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SAN  DIEGO 


THE 


SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


,tf'  BY 

J:'p.''WICKERSHAM  CRAWFORD 

PROFESSOR  OF   ROMANIC   LANGUAGES   AND   LITERATURES    IN 
THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    PENNSYLVANIA 


PHILADELPHIA. 

1915 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

DEPARTMENT  OF  ROMANIC  LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURES 

Extra  Series,  No.  4 


MY  FATHER 
JAMES   CRAWFORD 

THIS    LITTLE   VOLUME   IS   AFFECTIONATELY 
DEDICATED 


6/2./ 

d  7 


PREFACE. 

In  the  belief  that  a  fairly  intensive  study  must  be  made  of 
the  various  types  of  Spanish  dramatic  literature  of  the  six- 
teenth century  before  we  can  properly  appreciate  the  import- 
ance of  Lope  de  Vega  and  his  contemporaries,  I  have  here 
attempted  to  treat  in  some  detail  the  development  of  the  pas- 
toral drama  in  Spain.  I  have  included  in  the  first  chapter 
only  the  material  which  seemed  necessary  in  order  to  show 
the  sources  from  which  the  early  plays  of  Enzina  were  derived 
and  I  have  disregarded  the  comic  scenes  found  in  so  many 
plays  in  which  shepherds  take  part,  since  these  belong,  in  my 
opinion,  to  the  history  of  the  farce.  In  the  last  chapter,  I 
have  merely  tried  to  study  pastoral  themes  up  to  the  time  when 
they  were  fused  into  the  mythological  and  lyrical  drama  by 
Calderon  de  la  Barca.  I  gratefully  acknowledge  my  indebted- 
ness to  my  friend  and  colleague.  Dr.  Hugo  Albert  Rennert, 
for  valuable  suggestions  and  criticisms. 

J.  P.  W.  C. 
5 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  I 
The  Spanish  Drama  bjefore  Enzina  9 


CHAPTER  II 
The  Plays  of  Juan  del  Enzina   i8 

CHAPTER  III 
Pastoral  Plays  after  Enzina   5i 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  Pastoral  Plays  of  Lope  de  Vega  and  Calderon  de  la  Barca  105 

7 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Spanish  Drama  before  Enzina. 

It  has  been  generally  conceded  that  the  origin  of  the  drama 
in  Spain  must  be  sought  in  the  Church  Liturg}'.  We  have  but 
few  examples  of  early  liturgical  texts  from  Spain/  but  there 
is  sufficient  evidence  to  prove  that  the  development  of  the  re- 
ligious drama  in  Spain  was  analogous  to  that  of  other  coun- 
tries. The  Mass  in  itself  is  essentially  dramatic  and  it  is 
known  that  at  an  early  period  the  Gloria  in  excelsis  was 
chanted  antiphonally.  In  the  ninth  century  the  Antiphonarium 
of  Gregory  the  Great  was  enriched  by  the  insertion  of  new 
melodies  for  which  certain  texts  called  tropes  were  composed. 
A  trope  preserved  in  a  tenth  century  manuscript  from  the 
Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Gall  ^  contains  a  colloquy  between 
the  Maries  and  the  angel  at  the  sepulchre,  and  in  a  like  man- 
ner the  OMcium  Pastorum  was  based  on  a  Christmas  dialogue 
about  the  praesepe  or  cradle. 

These  tropes  show  the  beginning  of  the  liturgical  drama  and 
formed  the  basis  for  subsequent  dramatic  development.  In 
the  course  of  time  new  elements  were  added  to  the  scene  at 
the  manger,  such  as  the  Magi  or  Tres  Reges,  a  theme  closely 
associated  with  the  adoration  of  the  shepherds.  It  has  been 
shown  that  at  an  early  date  the  liturgical  Prophet  play  was 
combined  with  the  older  Adoration  and  Magi  plays.  The 
origin  of  the  Prophet  play  is  a  pseudo-Augustinian  sermon. 
Contra  Judaeos,  Paganos  et  Arianos,  which  was  read  in  the 

'  Two  liturgical  Easter  texts  of  the  eleventh  century  from  the  Mon- 
astery of  Silos,  published  by  K.  Lange,  Die  lateinischen  Osterfeiern, 
Miinchen,  1887,  24  ff.,  show  the  beginning  of  dramatic  development. 

*  E.  K.  Chambers,  Mediaeval  Drama,  1903,  vol.  ii,  chap,  xviii. 

9 


lO  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

churches  at  Christmas  time  and  is  of  such  a  form  as  to  lend 
itself  readily  to  dramatic  representation.^  The  Old  Testament 
witnesses  to  the  coming  of  Christ  were  summoned,  together 
with  \'ergil,  the  Sibyl  and  others  who  were  believed  to  have 
foretold  the  Saviour's  advent. 

Although  few  liturgical  texts  have  been  discovered  in  Spain, 
Spanish  literature  may  boast  of  possessing  one  of  the  earliest 
religious  plays  in  the  vernacular,  the  Auto  de  los  Reyes 
Mag  OS,-  probably  belonging  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth  or  early 
part  of  the  thirteenth  century  and  derived  from  one  of  the 
Latin  Ofifices  employed  at  Limoges,  Rouen,  Nevers,  Com- 
piegne  and  Orleans.  We  also  have  a  grave-watcher's  song, 
probably  taken  from  an  Easter  play,  in  Berceo's  Duelo  que 
fizo  la  virgen,  of  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

Apparently  the  edict  of  Pope  Innocent  III  (1210),  forbid- 
ding religious  plays  because  of  the  secular  elements  which  had 
been  introduced,  was  not  generally  observed  in  Spain,  for  the 
oft-quoted  passage  of  the  Siete  Partidas  (1252-1257)  expressly 
permits  Christmas,  Epiphany  and  Easter  representations  with 
certain  restrictions.^  References  to  these  plays  in  the  four- 
teenth century  are  rare,  but  we  may  assume  an  uninterrupted 
development  on  the  basis  of  documents  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
The  Council  of  Aranda  (1473),  forbade  the  introduction  of 
profane  elements  into  religious  festivals,  but  permitted  ser- 
ious performances.  In  the  year  1462,  the  Constable  IMiguel 
Lucas  de  Iranzo  with  two  pages  performed  a  mask  on  Twelfth 
Night  in  which  the  presentation  of  gifts  by  the  Wise  Men  to 

1  See  the  five  articles  of  Marius  Sepet  published  in  the  Bibliotheque  de 
I'Ecole  des  Chartes,  vol.  xxviii,  pp.  i  and  21 1 ;  vol.  xxix,  pp.  105  and 
261  and  vol.  xxxviii,  p.  397. 

'  For  bibliography  and  discussion  of  the  date,  see  Grober's  Gruudriss 
der  ronianischen  Philologie,  vol.  ii,  2,  1897,  p.  400  and  James  Fitz- 
maurice  Kelly,  Historia  de  la  literatura  espaiiola,  1913,  pp.  ii-i3- 

3  Partida  I,  Tit.  VI,  Ley  XXXIV.  Quoted  by  Schack,  Historia  de  la 
literatura  y  del  arte  dramdtico  en  Espaiia,  Madrid,  1885,  vol.  i.  pp. 
219-20. 


THE  SPANISH  DRAMA  BEFORE  ENZINA  1 1 

the  Virgin  was  represented.'  We  also  have  an  account  of  an 
elaborate  Christmas  play  in  Spanish  produced  by  order  of  the 
Archbishop  and  Chapter  of  Saragossa  in  1487  in  honor  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in  which  music  and  dancing  formed 
an  important  part.- 

The  earliest  descendant  in  Spanish  of  the  Offic'mm  Pastorimi 
which  has  been  preserved  is  the  Representacion  del  Nacimi- 
ento  de  Nuestro  Senor  by  Gomez  Manrique,^  written  at  the 
request  of  his  sister  Maria  Manrique  and  represented  by  the 
nuns  of  the  convent  of  Calabazanos  on  Christmas  Eve,  prob- 
ably between  the  years  1467  and  1481.  Joseph  expresses  his 
doubts  concerning  the  purity  of  Mary  and  she  prays  that  God 
may  open  his  eyes  to  the  truth.  An  angel  then  appears  to 
Joseph,  telling  him  that  he  is  an  arch-fool  since  Isaiah  had 
prophesied  that  a  virgin  would  give  birth  to  a  child  and  that 
the  prophecy  will  be  fulfilled  in  Mary.  The  latter  then  ap- 
pears with  the  Christ  Child  in  her  arms  and  the  announcement 
of  the  glad  tidings  is  made  to  the  shepherds  who  forthwith 
offer  their  homage  to  Jesus.  Gabriel,  Michael  and  Raphael 
then  pledge  their  allegiance  to  the  Virgin  and  present  to  the 
Child  the  symbols  of  his  Passion.  Here  the  liturgical  drama 
has  become  secularized  but  not  popularized.  The  song,  para 
collar  al  nifio,  which  closes  the  play  is  significant,  for  similar 
songs  are  found  in  nearly  all  the  later  shepherds'  plays.  It 
undoubtedly  had  its  origin  in  the  carols  which  were  sung  in 
connection  with  the  Christmas  service.  No  attempt  is  made 
to  give  a  realistic  picture  of  the  life  of  shepherds  and  there  is 
no  comic  element  to  detract  from  the  sacredness  of  the  sub- 
ject. 

*  Jose  Amador  de  los  Rios,  Historia  critica  de  la  literatura  espatiola, 
Madrid,  vol.  vii,  1865,  476  ff. 

*  Amador  de  los  Rios,  ibid.,  vol.  vii,  484  ff.,  and  Schack,  ibid.,  vol.  i, 
pp.  26y-6%. 

^  Published  by  Paz  y  Melia,  Cancionero  de  Gomez  Manrique,  vol.  i, 
Madrid,  1885,  pp.  198-206.  See  also  Eugen  Kohler,  Sieben  spanische 
dramatische  Eklogen,  Dresden,  191 1,  pp.  3-4- 


12  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

We  already  find  the  fusion  of  comic  and  sacred  elements 
accomplished  in  a  portion  of  Fr.  Inigo  de  Mendoza's  Vita 
Christi,  first  published  about  1480.^  This  is  a  scene  in  dialogue 
form  relating  the  appearance  of  the  angels  to  the  shepherds 
to  announce  the  Nativity  and  written  in  the  same  lenffuaje 
villanesco  which  had  been  used  by  the  author  of  the  Coplas  de 
Mingo  Revulgo.  Fray  Inigo  apologizes  in  this  manner  for  the 
use  of  comic  elements  in  a  sacred  subject:  ^ 

Por  que  non  pueden  estar 
en  vn  rigor  toda  via 
los  archos  para  tirar, 
suelenlos  desenpulgar 
alguna  piega  del  dia; 
pues  razon  fue  declarar 
estas  chufas  de  pastores 
para  poder  recrear, 
despertar  y  renouar 
la  gana  delos  lectores. 

The  shepherds  see  a  figure  flying  toward  them  and  Juan  is 
thoroughly  frightened :  ^ 

Si,  para  Sant  Julian! 
ya  llega  somo  la  pena. 
Purre  el  gurron  del  pan, 
acoger  me  he  a  Sant  Millan, 
que  se  me  eriza  la  grefia.  .  .  . 

Another  shepherd  asks  mockingly : 

Tu  eres  hi  de  Pascual, 
el  del  huerte  cora^on? 
Torna,  torna  en  ti,  zagal, 

'  A  few  extracts  were  published  by  Menendez  y  Pelayo  in  the  Anto- 
iOgia  de  poelas  liricos  castellatws,  vol.  vi,  Madrid,  1896,  p.  ccix  ff.,  and 
the  Vita  Christi  was  published  in  full  by  R.  Foulche-Delbosc  in  the 
Cancionero  castellano  del  siglo  XV ,  vol.  i,  Nueva  Biblioteca  de  autores 
espaiioles,  vol.  xix,  Madrid,  1912. 

'  Cancionero  castellayio  del  siglo  XV,  p.  22. 

^  Ibid.,  ■p.  18. 


THE  SPANISH  DRAMA  BEFORE  ENZINA  i  ^ 

se  que  no  nos  hara  mal 
tan  adonado  gargon ; 
ponte  me  aqui  ala  pareja 
y  venga  lo  que  viniere, 
que  la  mi  perra  bermeja 
le  sobara  la  pelleja 
a  quien  algo  nos  quisyere. 

An  angel  then  announces  the  birth  of  Christ  and  bids  the 
shepherds  seek  the  Child  in  the  manger.  Juan  exclaims,  on 
hearing  the  song: 

Minguillo,  daca.  leuanta, 
no  me  muestres  mas  enpacho, 
que  segund  este  nos  canta 
alguna  cosa  muy  sancta 
deue  ser  este  mochacho, 
y  veremos  a  Maria, 
que  juro  hago  a  mi  vida, 
avn  quigal  preguntaria 
en  que  manera  podia 
estar  virgen  y  parida. 

Mingo  finally  consents  to  obey  the  summons  and  tells  his  com- 
panion what  gifts  he  should  take: 

mas  lieua  tu  el  caramiello, 
los  albogues  y  el  rabe 
con  que  hagas  al  chequiello 
vn  huerte  son  agudiello, 
que  quiga  yo  baylare. 

The  same  simple  rejoicing  is  shown  in  the  account  of  another 
shepherd  who  relates  what  he  has  seen  at  the  manger. 

It  is  true  that  this  scene  was  not  represented,  but  we  may 
look  upon  it  as  a  faithful  transcription  of  the  performances 
which  were  given  at  that  time  either  in  the  church  itself  or 
in  the  yard.  We  could  hardly  conceive  of  a  serious  writer  in- 
venting this  scene  in  which  the  comic  element  plays  so  large  a 
part.  It  is  particularly  interesting  inasmuch  as  the  shepherds 
here  represented  have  the  same  characteristics  that  we  find 


14 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


in  the  plays  of  Enzina  and  later  writers.  They  speak  their 
own  crude  language,  they  are  filled  with  terror  at  the  sight  of 
the  angel  and  star,  they  sing  and  dance  as  they  go  to  the 
manger  and  tell  of  their  love  for  food.  It  was  used  as  an  in- 
troduction to  the  Nativity  scene,  but  already  we  find  the  shep- 
herds occupying  a  disproportionate  place. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  definitely  the  origin  of  the  comic 
element  which  was  an  important  factor  in  the  develoi>ment  of 
the  Spanisli  drama.  We  know  that  the  reign  of  the  Roman 
mime  did  not  come  to  an  end  with  the  fall  of  Rome,  nor  was 
his  voice  silenced  by  the  vigorous  protests  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages  by  Church  Fathers  and  Church  Councils.  The 
frequent  references  to  him,  and  after  the  ninth  century,  to  the 
joculator,  his  twin-brother,  are  sufficient  proof  of  his  success 
as  an  entertainer  of  an  idle  crowd. ^  On  holidays  and  at  wed- 
dings, his  presence  was  indispensable,  and  he  even  occasion- 
ally entered  the  churches  to  ply  his  profession.  His  accom- 
plishments consisted  in  singing,  playing  musical  instruments, 
exhibiting  trained  animals,  astonishing  the  gaping  rustics  with 
acrobatic  feats,  and  sometimes  in  performing  plays.  Of  the 
latter  we  know  nothing,  save  what  we  may  glean  from  the 
earliest  religious  and  secular  texts.  Their  performances  were 
often  improvised  and  no  one  dreamed  of  preserving  their 
muiiicac  ineptiae  and  more  highly  developed  plays.  As  Faral 
has  said,-  "  Perissable  comme  la  joie  des  banquets  et  des  fetes 
qu'ils  egayaient,  I'oeuvre  des  mimes  s'est  perdue."  The  mere 
fact  that  we  find  adultery  plays  in  which  the  deceived  husband 
is  ridiculed  both  in  the  repertoire  of  the  Roman  mimes  and  in 
the  early  Spanish  farces,  and  that  there  are  striking  analogies, 
as  for  example,  between  the  Roman  stupidus  and  the  Spanish 
pastor  and  hobo,  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  that  these  types  are 

1  See  Reich,  Der  Mimus,  Berlin,  1903,  and  E.  Faral,  Les  Jongleurs  en 
France  au  Moyeu  Age,  Bibliothcque  de  I'Ecole  des  Hautes  Etudes,  vol. 
187,  Paris,  1910. 

»P.  14. 


THE  SPANISH  DRAMA  BEFORE  EXZINA  i  - 

derived  from  the  early  mimes.^  It  seems  probable,  however, 
that  the  Spanish  juglares  inherited  from  the  mimes,  "  I'esprit 
mimique,  esprit  fort  riche,  qui  s'exprime  de  manieres  tres  di- 
verses,  par  des  danses,  des  scenes  muettes,  des  dialogues,"  and 
that  the  comic  scenes  in  the  early  religious  plays  and  the 
secular  farces,  represent  a  survival  of  the  ancient  spirit  of  the 
mimes.  According  to  this  theory,  the  comic  elements  in  the 
religious  plays  and  the  early  farces  are  independent  of  the 
liturgical  drama." 

The  debate  may  also  be  mentioned  among  the  factors  whicli 
contributed  to  the  creation  of  the  drama  in  Spain.  A  biblio- 
graphy recently  published  ^  shows  the  popularity  of  this  form 
which  appeared  in  various  literatures  under  the  name  of  debat, 

^  Africanus  reproached  Origen  for  accepting  as  authentic  the  story 
of  the  chaste  Susanna  since  the  manner  in  which  Daniel  discovered  the 
guilt  of  the  elders  was  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  the  burlesques  of 
Philistion.  Origen  replied  that  if  the  same  argument  were  valid,  the 
contest  of  two  women  before  Solomon  to  prove  their  right  to  a  child 
might  be  placed  in  the  same  class.  Reich,  ibid.,  vol.  i,  2,  p.  430.  The 
story  of  Susanna  frequently  appeared  on  the  stage  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  was  the  subject  of  Juan  de  Pedraza's  Comedia  de 
Sancta  Susanna,  published  in  Gallardo's  Ensayo  de  una  biblioteca  de 
libros  raros  y  curiosos,  vol.  iv,  no.  3648.  The  contest  of  two  women 
for  a  child  before  Solomon  is  the  theme  of  Diego  Sanchez  de  Badajoz's 
Farsa  de  Salomon. 

'  In  an  article  entitled.  The  Pastor  and  Bobo  in  the  Spanish  Religions 
Drama  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  published  in  the  Romanic  Review, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  376-401,  I  attempted  to  prove  that  the  comic  scenes  in  the 
religious  plays  and  certain  characters  in  the  farses  were  derived  from 
the  shepherds'  plays.  M.  Faral's  book  on  the  jongleurs  in  France  has 
changed  my  opinion  in  the  matter. 

^  Aloritz  Steinschneider,  Rangstreit-Literatur,  published  in  the  .S'j^- 
sungsberichte  der  philosophisch-hi^torischcn  Klasse  der  kaiserlichen 
Akademie  der  Wissenschaftcn,  Wien,  1908,  vol.  155.  For  the  Catalan 
Mascaron,  an  early  example  of  the  debate  in  Spain,  but  probably 
not  a  play,  see  J.  P.  W.  Crawford,  The  Catalan  Mascaron  and 
an  Episode  in  Jacob  van  Maerlant's  Merlijn,  Publications  of  the  Modern 
Language  Association  of  America,  vol.  xxvi,  191 1  and  review  by  G. 
Huet,  Romania,  vol.  xlii,  1913,  pp.  474-75. 


1 6  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

disputation,  contrasto,  dialogue,  combat,  debate,  altercatio,  cer- 
tayncn  and  coufUctus.^  Many  of  these  debates  seem  essentially 
undramatic,  such  as  those  between  water  and  wine,  the  eye 
and  the  heart.  Carnival  and  Lent.  Summer  and  Winter,  etc. 
We  meet  with  a  number  of  these  themes  in  early  Spanish  liter- 
ature,- especially  in  the  courtly  poetry  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
and  some  of  them  found  their  way  into  the  early  plays.  The 
Carnival  eclogue  of  Juan  del  Enzina  describes  the  battle  be- 
tween Carnival  and  Lent ;  the  contrasto  between  a  knight 
and  shepherdess  which  is  the  basis  of  the  pastourelle  mo- 
tive, is  the  theme  of  the  same  author's  first  egloga  en  re- 
questa  de  amoves;  the  discussion  concerning  the  virtues 
and  imperfections  of  women  is  found  in  Enzina's  Egloga 
de  tres  pa^tores  and  is  the  chief  subject  in  Per  Alvarez 
de  Ayllon's  Comedia  Tibalda;  the  Farsa  o  cucsi  comedia 
del  soldado  of  Lucas  Fernandez  contains  a  dispute  as  to 
the  relative  superiority  of  military  and  pastoral  life  and 
(jil  Vicente's  Auto  dos  quatro  tempos  and  Triumpho  do  in- 
verno  represent  a  variant  of  the  well-known  Conflictus  veris  et 
hiemis.  It  is  evident  that  the  debate  was  a  contributing  factor, 
although  it  could  probably  not  have  produced  a  drama  inde- 
pendently. 

Among  the  literary  debates  composed  in  Spain  during  the 
fifteenth  century,  one  of  the  most  important  is  the  Dialogo 
entre  el  Amor  y  un  vie  jo  *  of  Rodrigo  Cota.      An  old  man 

'  Steinschneider,  ibid.,  gives  an  important  list  of  works  dealing  with 
the  debate.  James  H.  Hanford  has  published  an  article  entitled  The 
Debate  Element  in  the  Elizabethan  Drama  in  the  volume  of  Anniver- 
sary Papers  in  honor  of  George  L.  Kittredge,  Boston,  1913. 

*  See  Elena  y  Maria  (Disputa  del  clerigo  y  el  caballero) ,  a  thirteenth 
century  poem  in  Leonese  dialect,  published  by  Ramon  Menendez  Pidal, 
Reznsta  de  tilologia  espanola,  vol.  i,  1914,  pp.  52-96. 

'  Reprinted  by  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Antologia  de  poetas  liricos  castel- 
lanos,  vol.  iv,  Madrid,  1893,  PP-  1-20  and  also  found  in  the  Caticionero 
general  de  Hernando  del  Castillo,  vol.  i,  Madrid,  1882.  Another  version 
which  seems  to  be  of  a  later  date  was  published  by  Miola,  Miscellanea 
di  tilologia  e  linguistica  in  memoria  di  Caix  e  Canello,  Firenze,  1886. 


THE  SPANISH  DRAMA  BEFORE  ENZINA  17 

who  has  retired  from  the  world  with  its  many  trials  and  cares 
is  accosted  by  Cupid  who  reproaches  him  for  showing  so  little 
respect  for  his  power.  The  old  man  replies  bitterly  that  he  is 
well  acquainted  with  the  deceits  of  Love  and  charges  him  with 
causing  all  the  troubles  of  life.  Cupid  pleads  his  own  cause 
so  eloquently  that  the  old  man  proclaims  himself  a  servant 
of  Love,  whereupon  the  tiny  god  upbraids  him  for  his  folly, 
ridicules  his  age  and  promises  him  untold  suffering  as  his  re- 
ward. The  old  man  then  realizes  to  his  sorrow  that  he  has 
been  tricked.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Enzina  knew  this  dia- 
logue and  made  use  of  it  in  composing  his  Egloga  de  CrUti)io 
y  Febea.^ 

^  I  have  not  included  the  Celestina  among  the  precursors  of  Encina 
since  its  influence  is  found  only  in  one  scene  of  the  Egloga  de  Placida 
y  Vitoriano. 


CHAPTER  11. 
The  Plays  of  Juan  del  Enzina. 

Juan  del  Enzina,  rightly  called  the  "  patriarch  of  the  Span- 
ish drama,"  was  born  in  the  year  1469,  probably  at  the  town 
of  Enzina,  near  Salamanca.^  He  studied  at  the  University 
of  Salamanca,  where  he  probably  obtained  both  his  baccalaur- 
eate and  licentiate,  since  he  is  mentioned  with  these  degrees 
in  later  documents.  His  Ancto  del  Repelon,  the  earliest  Span- 
ish farce  known,  gives  a  picture  of  student  life  at  Salamanca. 
It  is  likely  that  there  he  came  under  the  influence  of  Lebrixa 
to  whose  Gramatica  castellmia  Enzina  was  indebted  in  the  com- 
position of  his  Arte  de  la  poesia  castellanar  A  considerable 
portion  of  his  verse  dates  from  his  student  days,  since  he  tells 
us  in  the  dedication  of  his  Cancionero,  directed  to  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  that  his  poems  were  composed  between  the  age 
of  fourteen  and  twenty-five.  His  interest  in  classical  studies 
is  attested  by  his  paraphrase  of  Vergil's  Eclogues,  dedicated 
to  the  young  Prince  John  in  1492. 

While  at  the  university,  he  won  the  favor  of  its  Chancellor, 
Gutierre  de  Toledo,  who  was  probably  instrumental  in  secur- 
ing for  him  a  position  in  the  service  of  his  brother,  D.  Fadri- 
que  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Duke  of  Alba.  He  probably  entered 
the  latter's  household  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  1492,  since  he 
says  in  his  first  eclogue,  which  was  almost  certainly  composed 

^  On  the  life  of  Enzina,  see  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Antologia  de  poeias 
liricos,  vol.  vii,  pp.  i-c;  Alfredo  Alvarez  de  la  Villa,  El  Aucto  del 
Repelon  publicado  con  un  estudio  critico-biograiico,  Paris,  1913;  Eugen 
Kohler,  Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  Dresden,  191 1,  and  the 
introduction  to  Dr.  Kohler's  edition  of  the  Rcpresentaciones  of  Enzina, 
published  in  the  Biblioteca  Roinanica,  Strasburg,  1914.  I  have  used  the 
edition  of  the  Teatro  completo  de  Juan  del  Encina,  published  by  the 
Spanish  Academy  at  Madrid  in  1893. 

-  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Antologia  de  poetas  liricos,  vol.  vii,  p.  iii. 
18 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  jg 

in  that  year,  that  he  had  recently  entered  the  Duke's  service, 
and  he  held  there  the  position  of  musician  and  court  poet  until 
at  least  the  year  1498.  During  these  years,  he  composed  for 
representation  before  the  Duke  of  Alba  and  his  household  the 
eight  plays  included  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Cancionero 
(1496)  and  also  the  so-called  Egloga  de  las  grandes  lluvias, 
performed  on  Christmas  Eve  of  the  year  1498.  The  latter 
play  contains  a  passage  from  which  we  may  infer  that  he 
sought  the  post  of  cantor  in  the  Cathedral  of  Salamanca. 

We  do  not  know  the  date  of  his  first  journey  to  Italy.  He 
may  have  been  among  the  thousands  of  pilgrims  attracted  to 
the  Holy  City  for  the  Jubilee  of  1500,  and  remained  there 
hoping  for  preferment  from  the  Valencian  Rodrigo  Borgia, 
who  had  been  elevated  to  the  Papacy  in  1492  with  the  title  of 
Alexander  VI.  We  do  not  know  the  length  of  his  residence 
in  Rome  at  this  time,  except  that  on  September  15,  1502,  he 
obtained  an  appointment  from  the  Pope  to  a  benefice  at  Sala- 
manca, in  which  document  he  is  described  as  "  Clerigo  salman- 
tino,  Bachiller,  familiar  de  S.  S.  y  residente  en  la  curia 
romana." 

We  do  not  know  whether  he  assumed  these  new  duties  at 
once,  or  whether  he  tarried  for  some  time  in  Rome.  It  is  evi- 
dent, however,  that  he  retained  the  Pope's  friendship,  for  in 
1509  he  received  an  appointment  from  the  Papal  Nuncio  to 
an  archdeaconship  and  canonship  at  Malaga  and  took  posses- 
sion of  these  offices  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  15 10.  He 
was  evidently  regarded  as  an  important  personage,  since  he 
was  employed  by  the  Chapter  on  various  missions.  However, 
his  relations  with  the  Chapter  were  somewhat  strained, 
chiefly  because  he  had  not  taken  orders,  and  also  because  of 
his  frequent  absences  from  his  duties.^ 

'  On  Enzina's  life  at  Malaga,  see  Rafael  Mitjana,  Sobre  Juan  del 
Encina,  rmisico  y  poeta.  Nuevos  datos  para  su  biografia.  Malaga, 
1895,  the  same  writer's  article  entitled  Nuevos  docuvientos  relatives  a 
Juan  del  Encina,  published  in  Revista  de  filologia  espanola,  vol.  i,  1914, 
pp.  274-288,  and  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Antologia,  vol.  vii.  pp.  xi-xiii. 


20  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

On  May  17.  15 12,  he  obtained  the  permission  of  the  Chapter 
to  go  to  Rome,  and  probably  remained  there  until  July  of  the 
following  year.  It  is  difficult  to  overestimate  the  inspiration 
which  Enzina  must  have  received  as  a  result  of  his  visit  to  the 
center  of  artistic  and  literary  activity  at  the  culminating  period 
of  the  Renaissance.  In  1506  the  foundation  stone  of  the  new 
St.  Peter's  had  been  laid  with  Bramante  as  master  of  the 
works.  Toward  the  end  of  the  year  151 1,  Raphael's  fres- 
coes in  the  Camera  della  Segnatura  were  completed  and  about 
a  year  later  Michael  Angelo's  frescoes  on  the  ceiling  of  the 
Sistine  Cha^iel  were  unveiled.  Enzina  was  in  Rome  when 
Julius  II  died  and  when  the  son  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent 
was  elected  to  the  Papacy  on  March  11,  1513.  He  must  have 
been  in  the  crowd  that  witnessed  the  magnificent  ceremony  of 
taking  possession  of  the  Lateran  on  April  eleventh,  or  perhaps 
took  part  in  the  procession  as  a  member  of  the  Papal  choir. 
We  do  not  know  when  he  secured  the  Pope's  favour,  but  the 
fact  that  Leo  X  aided  him  in  his  subsequent  career  proves 
that  he  had  a  liking  for  the  poet.  It  is  probable  that  Enzina 
obtained  the  Pope's  protection  because  of  his  accomplishments 
as  a  musician,  for  it  is  well  known  that  Leo  X  had  a  special 
preference  for  music,  drew  to  his  court  the  best  musicians  of 
Italy  and  abroad,  and  raised  the  Papal  choir  to  a  high  degree 
of  perfection  through  his  interest  and  patronage.^  It  has  been 
frequently  stated  that  Enzina  held  the  position  of  Director  of 
tlie  Papal  choir,  but  this  office  was  only  conferred  upon  bishops 
and  high  ecclesiastics.- 

We  have  documentary  evidence  that  he  had  returned  to  Ma- 
laga by  August.  1513,  and  that  on  March  31,  1514,  he  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  returning  to  Rome.  The  objections 
of  the  Chapter  were  overruled  by  a  Bull  of  Leo  X  (October 
14.  1514)  :  "  sobre  la  diligencia  de  su  ausencia,  para  que  es- 

'  Dr.  Ludwig  Pastor,  The  History  of  the  Popes  from  the  Close  of 
the  Middle  Ages.    London,  1908,  vol.  viii,  pp.  144-49- 

*  Francisco  Asenjo  Barbieri,  Cancionero  musical  dc  los  siglos  XV  y 
XVI,  Madrid,  1890,  p.  27. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  2 1 

tando  fuera  de  sii  iglesia,  en  corte  de  Roma,  por  suya  propria 
cabsa  o  ajena,  no  pudiesse  ser  privado,  molestado  ny  pertur- 
bado,  no  obstante  la  institvicion,  ereccion  o  estatutos  de  la 
dicha  iglesia,"  a  document  which  shows  that  he  had  already 
won  the  Pope's  favour.^ 

Enzina  spent  the  year  15 15  at  Rome,  and  shortly  after  his 
return  to  Spain,  received  on  May  21,  15 16,  an  order  from  the 
Bishop  of  Malaga  to  appear  at  Valladolid  under  penalty  of  ex- 
communication. We  do  not  know  the  reason  for  this  sum- 
mons, but  apparently  the  protection  of  the  Pope  continued, 
for  he  was  appointed  to  the  lucrative  post  of  "  Sub  Colector 
de  Espolios  de  la  Camara  Apostolica  "  which  permitted  him 
to  absent  himself  from  his  duties  at  Malaga.  Finally,  on  Feb- 
ruary 21,  1 5 19,  he  resigned  his  position  at  Malaga  and  re- 
ceived in  exchange  a  benefice  at  Moron.  It  seems  that  he 
never  assumed  the  duties  of  this  latter  position,  for  he  was 
appointed  Prior  of  the  church  of  Leon  by  the  Pope  in  March 
of  the  same  year  and  took  possession  of  that  post  by  proxy, 
since  he  was  still  residing  in  Rome. 

He  had  now  reached  his  fiftieth  year  and  he  determined  to 
cast  aside  worldly  afifairs,  take  orders  and  go  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  Holy  Land.  He  gives  an  account  of  this  journey  in  his 
Tribagia,  0  via  sacra  de  Hicrusaleni,  an  insipid  composition 
in  coplas  de  arte  mayor,  published  at  Rome  after  his  return, 
in  I52i(?).  He  left  Rome  in  the  spring  of  1519  and  at 
V^enice  met  D.  Fadrique  Enriquez,  ]\Iarques  de  Ribera,  who 
was  also  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem.  Enzina  describes  their 
journey  in  great  detail.  The  sight  of  the  sacred  places  evi- 
dently produced  a  profound  impression  upon  the  poet,  al- 
though his  account  betrays  no  sign  of  inspiration.  He  seems 
to  have  been  in  a  deeply  penitent  mood,  perhaps  for  the  hetero- 
doxy and  blasphemy  contained  in  the  Egloga  de  Cristino  y 
Febea  and  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano,  spent  three  nights 
in  prayer  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  said  his  first  mass  on 
Mount  Zion. 

^  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  AiUologia,  vol.  vii,  p.  xiv. 


22  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Returning  to  Rome  in  the  autumn  of  1520,  he  probably  re- 
mained tliere  until  1 526  when  his  name  first  appears  on  the 
minutes  of  the  Chapter  of  the  church  of  Leon.^  Documents  re- 
cently discovered  show  that  he  was  awarded  exceptional  hon- 
ours by  the  Chapter  and  that  he  fulfilled  his  duties  as  Prior 
from  October  2,  1526  until  October  2,  1528.  The  place  of  his 
death,  which  occurred  between  January  27,  1529  and  January 
10,  1530,  is  not  known. 

In  the  prologue  to  the  first  edition  of  his  Ccmcionero,  which 
appeared  at  Salamanca  in  1496,  Enzina  complains  that  he  has 
been  obliged  to  publish  his  works  because  many  of  his  com- 
positions had  been  so  corrupted  that  he  no  longer  recognized 
them,  and  he  also  wished  to  silence  his  detractors,  who  claimed 
that  his  wit  was  limited  to  "  cosas  pastoriles  e  de  poca  autori- 
dad,"  whereas  "  no  menos  ingenio  requieren  las  cosas  pastor- 
iles que  otras."  He  also  speaks  of  these  slanderers  in  his 
first  eclogue.- 

We  are  not  concerned  here  with  the  non-dramatic  composi- 
tions of  Enzina.  such  as  the  Arte  de  la  poesia  castcllana-,  his 
paraphrase  of  Vergil's  Eclogues,  the  Triimfo  de  la  Fama  and 
the  many  religious  and  secular  poems  found  in  his  own  Can- 
cionero  and  in  other  anthologies  of  the  period.^  The  first  edi- 
tion of  his  Cancionero  which  appeared  at  Salamanca  in  1496, 
contained  the  following  plays : 

1.  Egloga  representada  en  la  noche  de  la  Natividad  de  nues- 
tro  Salvador. 

2.  Hlgloga  representada  en  la  mesma  noche  de  Navidad. 

3.  Representacion  a  la  muy  bendita  pasion  y  muerte  de  nues- 
tro  precioso  Redentor. 

4.  Representacion  a  la  santisima  resurreccion  de  Cristo. 

'  For  Enzina's  residence  at  Leon,  see  Eloy  Diaz-Jimenez  y  Molleda, 
Juan  del  Eticina  en  Leon,  Madrid,  1909. 

*  Teatro  complcio  de  Juan  del  Encina,  ed.  by  Canete  and  Barbieri, 
Madrid,  1893.  pp.  6-9. 

*  Menendez  y  Pelayo  studied  the  lyric  poetry  of  Enzina  in  his  usual 
masterly  way  in  vol.  vii  of  his  Antologia  de  poetas  liricos  castellanos. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  23 

5.  Egloga  representada  en  la  noche  postrera  de  Carnal. 

6.  Egloga  representada  en  la  mesma  noche  de  Antruejo  o 
Carnestollendas. 

7.  Egloga  representada  en  requesta  de  unos  amores. 

8.  Egloga  representada  por  las  mesmas  personas. 

This  edition  was  reprinted  at  Seville  in  1501  and  at  Burgos 
in  1505. 

The  edition  of  the  Cancionero  which  appeared  at  Salamanca 
in  1507  contains  the  following  additions: 

9.  Otra  egloga  representada  en  la  noche  de  Navidad  (Eg- 
loga de  las  grandes  lluvias). 

10.  Otra  representacion  al  nuestro  muy  esclarecido  Principe 
Don  Juan  de  Castilla,  Del  Amor. 

The  edition  of  Salamanca,  1509,  contains  two  additional 
plays : 

11.  Otra  egloga  de  tres  pastores  (Egloga  de  Fileno,  Zara- 
bardo  y  Cardonio  ) . 

12.  Coplas  del  Repelon  (Aucto  del  Repelon). 

Two  plays,  (13)  Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea  and  (14)  Eg- 
loga de  Placida  y  Vitoriano,  were  not  included  in  any  edi- 
tion of  the  Cancionero.^ 

Of  these  plays,  the  Passion  and  Easter  representaciones  are 
the  direct  descendants  of  the  liturgical  drama.  The  two 
Christmas  eglogas  (2)  and  (9)  represent,  especially  in  the 
latter  play,  the  fusion  of  popular  comic  elements  with  the  re- 
ligious drama.  In  the  second  Carnival  eclogue  we  find  a  com- 
bination of  popular  elements  with  a  famihar  debate  theme. 
This  play  would  properly  be  treated  in  a  history  of  the  farce 
in  Spain,  and  the  same  is,  of  course,  true  of  the  Aucto  del  Re- 
pelon. The  remaining  plays  may  be  divided  into  three  classes 
according  to  the  source  of  the  pastoral  inspiration,  i.  Popu- 
lar elements  influenced  by  Vergil's  Eclogues,  including   (i) 

^  I  have  not  included  in  this  list  the  Egloga  interlocutoria,  attributed 
to  Enzina  by  Salva,  Catdlogo,  vol.  i.  1872,  p.  434-  See  also  Kohler, 
Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  pp.  32-34- 


24  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

and  (5)  ;  2.  Derived  from  the  Cancionero  literature,  including 
{•/),  (8)  and  (lo);  Derived  from  imitation  of  Italian  ec- 
logues, including  (ii),  (13)  and  (14). 

The  first  tv^o  eclogues  were  presented  on  Christmas  Eve, 
probably  of  the  year  1492,  in  a  hall  or  chapel  of  the  palace  of 
the  Duke  of  Alba.^  They  are  composed  in  the  rude  sayaffu-es  ^ 
dialect  in  nine-line  strophes,  with  a  v-illancico  of  seven  stanzas 
at  the  close  of  the  second.  The  first  eclogue  serves  merely  as 
a  prologue  to  the  second.  The  shepherd  Juan  enters,  extolling 
the  Duke  and  Duchess.  Mateo  objects  to  his  presence,  de- 
claring that  his  works  are  not  worth  two  straws.  Juan  replies, 
promising  to  publish  his  poetry  which  will  silence  all  adverse 
criticism  and  concludes  with  praise  of  his  patrons.  This  is 
simpl}'  a  piece  de  circonstance,  without  any  dramatic  purpose, 
and  designed  only  to  flatter  his  protectors  and  at  the  same  time 
to  afford  him  an  opportunity  to  reply  to  his  detractors.  The 
first  idea  of  the  play  is  probably  to  be  found  in  the  custom  of 
making  New  Year's  gifts  with  some  ceremony,  but  the  form, 
as  well  as  the  idea  of  treating  one's  own  aflfairs  under  pastoral 
disguise,  was  almost  certainly  suggested  by  Vergil's  Eclcogues. 
To  the  latter.  Enzina  was  also  undoubtedly  indebted  for  his 
use  of  the  word  egloga  to  designate  his  plays. 

The  two  Carnival  plays  (5)  and  (6),  were  performed  at  the 
palace  of  the  Duke  of  Alba  on  Shrove  Tuesday,  probably  of 
the  year  1494.^  The  first,  which  merely  serves  as  a  prologue 
to  the  second,  is  a  eulogy  of  the  Duke  of  Alba  in  pastoral 
fashion,  suggested  by  Vergil's  fourth  eclogue.*     It  consists  of 

■  This  date,  which  has  been  generally  accepted  by  historians  of 
Spanish  literature,  has  been  recently  questioned  by  Dr.  Eugen  Kohler, 
Siebcn  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  p.  20,  on  the  ground  that 
Rojas's  oft-quoted  passage  in  his  Loa  de  la  Comedia  does  not  neces- 
sarily assign  the  year  1492  for  the  representation  of  Enzina's  first  play. 

'  There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  language  used  by  the 
shepherds  is  purely  conventional,  and  not  based  upon  the  local  dialect 
of  Sayago.     See  also  Morel-Fatio,  Romania,  vol.  x,  p.  240. 

*  For  a  discussion  of  the  date,  see  Kohler,  ibid.,  pp.  24-25. 

"^  A    somewhat    similar    production    is    the    eclogue    of    Francisco    de 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  25 

a  dialogue  between  Bras  and  Beneito,  probably  Enzina  him- 
self, concerning  the  rumored  departure  of  the  Duke  of  Alba 
to  fight  against  France,  in  which  the  shepherds  express  the 
sorrow  which  they  will  feel  at  his  absence.  Another  shepherd, 
Pedruelo,  annovmces  that  peace  has  been  signed  between  Spain 
and  France,  and  the  play  ends  with  a  villancico.  The  treaty 
referred  to  was  negotiated  by  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  and 
Charles  VIII  in  September,  1493,  according  to  the  terms  of 
which  Rousillon  was  ceded  to  Spain. 

The  Egloga  representada  en  requesta  de  utios  amores,  per- 
formed before  the  Duke  of  Alba  and  his  household,  probably 
on  Christmas  day,  1494,  is  conceived  in  an  entirely  different 
spirit  from  the  plays  already  examined.  While  the  pastoral 
element  in  the  aforementioned  plays  is  derived  from  an  at- 
tempt to  give  a  realistic  representation  of  everyday  life,  the 
theme  of  the  requesta  de  iinos  amores  is  found  in  the  Can- 
cionero  literature  of  the  period  and  is  distinctly  aristocratic 
in  tone. 

The  shepherd  i^Iingo,  although  married,  courts  the  shep- 
herdess Pascuala  and  urges  her  to  accept  his  love.  His  plea 
is  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  a  Knight  who  soon  proves  to 
be  a  rival.  The  Knight  compliments  the  maiden  upon  her 
beauty,  and  Pascuala  coquettishly  replies : 

Madrid,  written  toward  the  end  of  the  year  1494,  "  en  la  cual  se  in- 
troducen  tres  pastores :  uno  llamado  Evandro,  que  publica  la  paz ;  otro 
llamado  Peligro.  que  representa  la  persona  del  rey  de  Francia  Carlos, 
que  quiere  perturbar  la  paz  que  Evandro  publica ;  otro  llamado  For- 
tunato,  cuya  persona  representa  el  rey  don  Fernando,  que  tambien 
quiere  romper  la  guerra  con  el  rey  de  Francia  llamado  Peligro,  y 
razonan  muchas  cosas."  See  Caiiete,  Farsas  y  Eglogas  al  modo  y 
estilo  pastoril  y  castellano  fechas  par  Lucas  Fernandez,  Madrid,  1867, 
p.  Iv  and  Kohler,  ibid.,  pp.  158-60.  Later  allegorical  plays  with  political 
subject  are  the  Egloga  real  compuesta  por  el  Bachiller  de  la  Pradilla 
(1517).  published  by  Kohler,  ibid.,  p.  209  and  the  Farsa  sobre  la  con- 
cordia  del  Emperador  con  el  Rey  de  Francia  (1529),  by  Fernan  Lopez 
de  Yanguas,  analyzed  by  Cotarelo  y  Mori,  Revista  de  Archivos,  1902. 
vol.  vii,  p.  253  and  published  by  Urban  Cronan,  Teatro  espanot  del  sigto 
XVI,  Madrid,  1913.  I  am  unable  to  accept  as  convincing  Sr.  Cotarelo's 
identification  of  the  P>achiller  de  la  Pradilla  and  Lopez  de  Yanguas. 


26  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Esos  que  sois  do  ciudad 
Perchufais  huerte  de  nos. 

He  promises  her  wealth  if  she  will  accept  his  love,  but  Mingo 
bids  her  beware  of  a  traitor  who  has  already  deceived  other 
maidens.  The  gentleman  threatens  him  with  violence  and 
sneeringly  asks  of  what  value  is  his  love  since  he  has  nothing 
to  offer  her.  In  reply,  Mingo  recites  a  long  list  of  homely 
gifts  ^  whicii  l.e  will  present  to  her  and  finally  suggests  that  the 
shepherdess  choose  between  them.  The  Knight  agrees  to  this, 
and  Pascuala  says: 

Mia  fe,  de  vosotros  dos? 
Escudero,  mi  senor, 
si  OS  quereis  tornar  pastor, 
mucho  mas  os  quiero  a  vos. 

The  courtier  gladly  accepts  the  terms,  offers  Mingo  his  friend- 
ship, and  the  play  ends  with  a  song. 

The  basis  of  the  play  is  the  courtship  of  a  shepherdess  by  a 
knight,  a  theme  which  we  find  in  its  most  archaic  form  in  the 
famous  Contrasto  of  Cielo  d'Alcamo,  and  later  in  the  French 
pastourelle.  The  Jeu  de  Robin  et  Marion  of  Adam  de  la  Halle 
represents  the  same  sort  of  transition  from  lyric  poetry  to 
drama  as  we  find  in  this  eclogue  of  Enzina.  It  is  not  within  the 
province  of  this  monograph  to  study  the  origins  of  this  cele- 
brated debat  amoureux  or  to  attempt  to  determine  its  relations 
with  the  popular  May  games.-  In  the  hands  of  the  jongleurs, 
the  tone  of  the  pastourelle  became  courtly  and  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  examples  which  we  possess  may  be  easily  recog- 
nized as  the  offspring  of  a  knightly  minstrelsy.     The  inlain  is 

1  A  recital  of  the  gifts  in  courtship  seems  to  be  inherent  in  pastoral 
poetry.  We  find  it  in  the  eleventh  Idyl  of  Theocritus,  in  Boccaccio's 
Ameto  and  in  many  later  productions. 

*  See  Alfred  Jeanroy,  Les  Origines  de  la  pocsie  lyrique  en  France  au 
moyen  Age,  Paris,  1904,  pp.  10-44;  Gaston  Paris,  Review  of  the  same 
published  in  the  Journal  des  Savants,  1891-92;  Joseph  Bedier,  Les  Fetes 
de  »iai  et  les  commencemens  de  la  poesie  lyrique  au  Moyen  Age,  Revue 
des  Deux  mondes,  vol.  135.  1896,  pp.  146  fF. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  oj 

often  held  up  to  scorn/  The  theme  became  popular  in  Por- 
tugal and  also  appears  in  the  serranillas  of  Juan  Ruiz,  the 
burlesque  element  in  which  is  akin  to  some  of  the  Latin  pas- 
toralia,  and  in  a  few  charming  poems  composed  by  the  Mar- 
ques de  Santillana.  The  requesta  de  amores  theme,  which  is 
identical  with  the  pastourelle,  is  found  occasionally  in  the  Cofi- 
cionero  literature  of  the  fifteenth  and  early  sixteenth  century. 
Enzina  himself  composed  a  sort  of  contra\sto  between  a  shep- 
herd and  knight,  published  in  the  Cancionero  Musical.  The 
pastoral  motive  as  treated  in  the  eclogue  is  courtly  in  spirit. 
In  the  contest  for  the  fair  Pascuala,  the  shepherd  is  worsted 
and  his  efforts  at  lovemaking  doubtless  provoked  a  laugh  from 
the  gentlemen  and  ladies  who  witnessed  the  performance.-  It 
is  true  that  the  knight  was  obliged  to  don  a  shepherd's  garb  in 
order  to  win  the  maiden,  but  this  was  merely  a  literary  con- 
vention. 

The  Egloga  representada  por  las  mesmas  personas  was  per- 
formed after  an  interval  of  a  year,  probably  on  Christmas  day, 
1495,  and  consists  of  two  scenes.  In  a  brief  prologue,  Mingo 
expresses  his  fears  on  entering  the  presence  of  his  lord  and 
lady,  but  encouraged  by  Gil,  ofifers  them  his  gift : 

Recebid  la  voluntad, 
tan  buena  y  tanta,  que  sobra  ; 
los  defetos  de  mi  obra 
suplalos  vuestra  bondad. 
Siempre,  siempre  me  mandad, 
que  aquesto  estoy  deseando; 
mi  simpleza  perdonad, 
y  a  Dios,  a  Dios  os  quedad, 
que  me  esta  Gil  esperando. 

The  poet  here  refers  to  his  collected  works  which  were  pub- 
lished at  Salamanca  the  following  year. 

^  S.  L.  Galpin,  Cortois  and  Vilain.  A  Study  of  the  Distinctions  made 
between  them  by  the  French  and  Provencal  Poets  of  the  12th,  13th  and 
14th  Centuries,  New  Haven,  1905. 

*  In  Old  French  and  ProvenQal  poetry,  the  vilain  was  considered 
outside  the  pale  of  courtly  love.     See  Galpin,  ibid.,  pp.  62-66. 


28  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

In  rather  awkward  fashion  we  are  informed  that  a  year  has 
passed  since  the  incidents  described  in  the  preceding  play.  The 
sliepherd  Gil  is  the  knight  whom  Pascuala  had  preferred  to 
Mingo,  but  he  wearies  of  pastoral  life  and  longs  to  return  to 
the  palace  with  Pascuala.  She  dons  the  robes  of  a  lady  and 
astonishes  both  Mingo  and  his  wife  Menga,  with  her  beaut), 
a  transformation  which  Alingo  ascribes  to  the  power  of  Love, 
to  whom  all  things  are  possible.  Gil  urges  Mingo  to  accom- 
pany them  but  the  shepherd  hesitates,  alleging  his  ignorance 
of  courtly  manners  and  also  because  he  regrets  to  forsake  the 
simple  pleasures  of  pastoral  life,  which  he  apostrophizes  in  a 
few  lines  that  reveal  true  poetic  feeling.  The  idea  of  be- 
coming a  gentleman  appeals,  however,  to  his  vanity,  and  with 
evident  satisfaction  he  puts  on  his  best  clothes  and  adopts  the 
airs  of  a  courtier.  He  is  also  delighted  with  the  transforma- 
tion in  Menga,  whom  I'ascuala  has  attired  as  a  lady.  The 
play  ends  with  a  song  in  praise  of  the  omnipotence  of  Love. 
Here  the  well  known  contrasto  on  the  relative  advantages  of 
citv  and  country  life  ^  is  combined  with  the  theme  of  the  power 
of  Love,  frequently  treated  in  the  fifteenth-century  Can- 
cioneros  and  ultimately  derived  from  Ovid's  Ars  amaioria. 

The  Representacion  del  Amor  deals  almost  exclusively  with 
the  theme  of  the  omnipotence  of  Love.  It  was  first  published 
in  the  edition  of  Enzina's  Canc'wnero  which  appeared  in  1507, 
but  was  written  in  1497  -  and  performed  at  Salamanca  before 
Prince  John  of  Castille,  probably  in  honour  of  his  marriage  to 
Margarita  of  Austria,  daughter  of  Emperor  ^Maximilian,  which 
was  solemnized  at  Burgos  on  April  2.  1497.  It  consists  of 
forty-five  dcc'unas,  and  was  Enzina's  first  attempt  at  a  strictly 
court  performance. 

Cupid   enters,   armed   with   bow   and  arrow,   asserting  his 

'  This  is  found  in  the  tenth-century  Latin  Invitatio  amicae,  in  one  of 
the  Carmina  buratta  and  in  Luca  Pulci's  Driadeo  d'amore.  See  Enrico 
Carrara.  La  poesia  pastorale,  Milano,  1909,  p.  168. 

*  Emilio  Cotarelo  y  Mori,  Estudios  de  historia  literaria  de  Espana, 
Madrid,  1901,  p.  179. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  29 

power  over  all  mortals,  in  terms  which  closely  resemble  the 
boasting  loquaciousness  of  Amor  in  Rodrigo  Cota's  Dialogo 
entre  el  amor  y  un  mejo.  He  meets  the  shepherd  Pelayo,  who 
failing  to  recognize  him,  asks  by  whose  permission  he  hunts 
on  forbidden  territory.  Cupid  threatens  to  punish  him  for  his 
temerity,  Pelayo  refuses  to  heed  his  warning  and  is  laid  low 
by  one  of  Cupid's  arrows.  After  the  tiny  god  departs,  the 
shepherd  Juanillo  finds  Pelayo  lamenting  his  wound,  and  on 
learning  the  identity  of  his  assailant,  severely  reproves  him 
for  his  folly  in  trying  to  resist  the  all-powerful  Cupid.  A 
knight  who  learns  the  cause  of  Pelayo's  injury  expresses  sur- 
prise that  the  god  who  had  vanquished  Solomon,  David  and 
Samson  should  have  met  with  so  little  respect  at  the  hands 
of  a  shepherd.  The  hapless  Pelayo  asks  anxiously  whether  his 
wound  is  mortal  and  the  knight  replies : 

El  Amor  es  de  tal  suerte 
que  de  mill  males  de  muerte 
que  nos  trata, 
el  peor  es  que  no  mata. 

It  is  evident  that  in  this  production  Enzina  dramatized  a 
theme  well  known  in  the  Cancionero  literature  of  his  time  and 
which  was  eminently  well  suited  to  the  celebration  of  the  mar- 
riage of  Prince  John.  The  treatment  of  the  subject  is  conven- 
tional and  shows  no  advance  in  dramatic  technique  over  the 
earlier  productions.  An  element  of  burlesque  is  introduced  in 
the  description  of  the  love-sickness  of  the  shepherd  Pelayo, 
which  is  employed  in  many  of  the  later  pastorals.^ 

In  the  ten  plays  already  mentioned,  composed  before  En- 
zina's  first  journey  to  Italy,  the  author  shows  no  influence  of 
foreign  models.     His  indebtedness  to  Vergil,  which  has  been 

^  We  find  the  resistance  offered  by  a  shepherd  to  Cupid  in  a  play 
written  or  staged  by  Niccolo  da  Correggio  at  Ferrara  in  1506,  which 
is  described  as  follows :  "  Veneno  poi  alcuni  pastori  de  li  quali  uno  im- 
berbe  vilipendendo  Cupido  et  dicendo  non  credere  ni  haver  tema  de  le 
forze  sue,  et  Taltro  contrastando  cum  epso,"  etc.  See  Luzio-Renier, 
Giornale  storico  delta  letteratura  italiaiia,  vol.  xxi,  p.  263. 


30 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


overestimated  by  many  critics,  is  limited  to  his  use  of  the  pas- 
toral form  in  the  prologues  to  the  first  Qiristmas  eclogue  and 
first  Carnival  play.  The  religious  plays  were  the  logical  out- 
growth of  the  liturgical  drama,  and  the  pastoral  element  in 
the  Carnival  play  was  derived  from  the  realistic  representa- 
tion of  the  shepherds  in  the  Christmas  performances.  The  two 
eclogues  en  requesta  de  unos  a  mores  and  the  Representacion 
del  Amor  represent  a  dramatization  of  themes  found  in  the 
lyric  poetry  of  his  own  country. 

We  do  not  know  the  date  of  Enzina's  first  visit  to  Italy, 
but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  living  at  Rome  in  1502.  The  in- 
tense literary  activity  of  Italy  must  have  awakened  his  interest, 
particularly  the  recent  innovations  in  dramatic  literature  with 
which  he  certainly  became  familiar.  The  Italian  versions  of 
Plautus  and  Terence  which  had  appeared  at  Ferrara,  Mantua, 
Rome,  Florence  and  other  cities  must  have  attracted  his  atten- 
tion, but  he  was  especially  interested  in  a  new  form  of  pas- 
toral drama  whicli  had  been  developed,  compared  with  which 
his  own  pastoral  plays  must  have  seemed  crude  and  unfinished. 
Poliziano's  Orfeo  had  been  performed  at  the  Court  of  Mantua 
in  1471,  and  this  was  the  first  of  a  long  series  of  mythological 
and  allegorical  plays,  many  of  which  treated  political  matters 
or  the  love  affairs  of  the  poet's  patron.  Bernardo  Fulci's 
translation  of  Vergil's  Eclogues,  completed  in  1471,  was  fol- 
lowed by  Italian  eclogues  composed  by  Leon  Battista  Alberti, 
Girolamo  Benivieni,  Jacopo  Fiorino  de'  Boninsegni  of  Siena, 
Francesco  Arsocchi  and  Boiardo.  These  were  for  the  most 
part  imitations  of  Vergil  and  were  not  intended  for  represen- 
tation. At  a  little  later  period,  however,  it  became  the  fashion 
to  perform  pastoral  eclogues  on  festival  occasions  at  the  great 
courts.  The  eclogues  of  Serafino  Aquilano  (1466-1500)  were 
recited  in  public  at  Rome ;  Galeotto  del  Carretto  praised  the 
election  of  Alexander  VI  to  the  Papacy  in  an  eclogue  which 
was  probably  represented,  and  at  least  several  of  the  eclogues 
of  Antonio  Tebaldi  or  Tebaldeo,  composed  before  1499,  were 
recited.  We  shall  see  that  the  three  plays  composed  by  Enzina 
after  his  first  visit  to  Rome,  namely,  the  Egloga  de  tres  pas- 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZLNA  31 

tores  (or  de  Fileno,  Zambardo  y  Cardonio),  Egloga  de  Cris- 
tino  y  Febea  and  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitorimio,  show  the  in- 
fluence of  Italian  literature,  and  that  one  of  them  is  directly 
derived  from  an  Italian  eclogue. 

The  Egloga  de  tres  pastores,  otherwise  known  as  Egloga  de 
Fileno,  Zambardo  y  Cardonio,  was  first  published  in  the  1509 
edition  of  Enzina's  Cancionero.  Various  dates  have  been  as- 
signed for  the  composition  of  this  play.  Caiiete  declares  that 
it  was  written  between  1505  and  1509.  Sr.  Cotarelo  y  Mori 
assigns  it  to  1497  o^i  the  ground  that  Lucas  Fernandez  refers 
to  it  in  his  Farsa  o  cuasi  coinedia  del  soldado,  which  must  have 
been  composed  in  that  year  since  it  contains  a  reference  to  En- 
zina's Representacion  del  Amor,  performed  in  the  year  1497.^ 
We  may  accept  Dr.  Kohler's  argument  that  the  passage  in 
Fernandez's  play  does  not  necessarily  refer  to  Enzina's  Repre- 
sentacion del  Amor,~  and  the  fact  that  the  Egloga  de  tres  pas- 
tores  is  derived  from  an  eclogue  of  Antonio  Tebaldeo  which 
was  not  published  until  1499,  offers  conclusive  proof  that  it 
must  be  dated  during  or  after  Enzina's  first  visit  to  Italy.  Dr. 
Kohler  argues"  that  it  was  composed  between  1507  and  1509 
on  the  ground  that  it  would  have  been  published  in  the  edition 
of  the  Cancionero  which  appeared  in  the  former  year  if  it  had 
been  written  at  that  time.  This  date  is  the  most  satisfactory 
which  we  can  arrive  at  with  the  evidence  at  hand,  although  I 
am  inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  composed  during  Enzina's 
first  residence  in  Italy  as  the  conditions  for  the  performance 
of  such  a  play  were  more  favourable  at  Rome  than  in  Spain. 

The  argument  of  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  is  briefly  as 
follows.  The  shepherd  Fileno  tells  his  friend  Zambardo  of 
the  sorrow  which  the  indifiference  of  the  shepherdess  Cefira 
has  caused  him  and  asks  to  be  allowed  to  relate  his  troubles. 
Zambardo  ofifers  to  aid  the  unhappy  lover,  but  though  the  spirit 

'  Cotarelo  y  Mori,  Estudios  de  Historia  literaria  de  Espaiia,  Madrid. 
1901,  pp.  168-171. 
'  Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  p.  45. 
^  Ibid.,  pp.  34-35- 


32  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

is  willing,  tlie  flesh  is  weak,  for  he  falls  asleep  while  Fileno 
pours  out  the  story  of  the  wrong  he  must  endure.  When 
Fileno  sees  that  he  can  receive  no  sympathy  in  that  quarter, 
he  bursts  out  in  a  furious  invective  against  the  god  of  Love,  and 
then  summons  his  friend  Cardonio,  telling  him  the  cause  of 
his  sufl^ering.  Cardonio  counsels  moderation,  objecting  that 
his  friend  blames  all  women  for  the  cruelty  of  one.  This  is 
followed  by  a  sort  of  contrasto,  in  which  Fileno  attacks  women 
with  the  bitterness  of  Boccaccio  in  the  Corbaccio.  to  which  he 
himself  refers.  Cardonio  replies,  alleging  the  virtues  of  women 
and  mentioning  those  who  are  held  in  esteem  by  men.  Car- 
donio then  declares  that  he  must  leave  Fileno  in  order  to  look 
after  his  flock.  As  he  departs,  Fileno  intimates  that  he  will 
not  long  survive  his  sorrow^  When  left  alone,  he  curses  Ce- 
fira,'  takes  a  touching  farewell  of  his  flock  and  pipe,  calls  upon 
death  in  rhetorical  fashion  and  stabs  himself.  Cardonio, 
anxious  over  the  condition  of  Fileno,  returns  to  the  spot  and 
sees  him  lying  on  the  ground,  his  body  stained  witli  blood.  He 
breaks  out  into  mourning  over  the  death  of  his  friend,  calls 
Zambardo  to  aid  in  the  burial  and  inscribes  an  epitapli  over 
the  tomb  of  Fileno. 

The  play  is  composed  in  eighty-eight  octaves  in  coplas  de 
arte  mayor,  Enzina's  first  and  only  attempt  to  use  this  meter 
for  dramatic  composition.  It  shows  more  power  and  serious- 
ness of  purpose  than  Enzina  had  hitherto  displayed.  Love  is 
here  no  trifling  matter,  as  in  the  two  eclogues  en  requesta  de 
loios  amores,  but  a  consuming  passion  which  drives  the  hapless 
Fileno  to  his  death.  The  dialogue  is  well  sustained,  although 
the  language  is  stilted.  It  is  the  first  tragedy  of  the  Spanish 
theatre  and  occupies  the  same  position  in  the  drama  as  the 
Carcel  de  Amor  of  Diego  de  San  Pedro  in  Spanish  fiction.     It 

'  The  stanza  commencing,  Maldigo  aquel  dia,  el  vies  y  aun  el  ano, 
p.  218  of  the  Teatro  completo,  resembles  some  of  the  fifteenth-century 
Italian  rispetti  beginning  with  the  word  maledetto.  See  D'Ancona, 
La  Pocsia  popolare  italiana,  Livorno,  1906,  p.  510  and  R.  T.  Hill,  The 
Emteg  and  Plaser,  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association 
of  America,  vol.  xxx,  1915,  p.  50. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  33 

won  the  approval  of  Juan  cle  Valdes  in  the  Dialogo  de  la  len- 
gua,  although  he  preferred  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano. 

The  Egloga  de  tres  past  ores  shows  an  enormous  advance  in 
dramatic  art  over  earlier  Spanish  plays,  due  to  the  use  of 
Italian  material,  but  at  least  one  episode  is  a  reminiscence  of 
his  own  Christmas  eclogues,  namely,  the  scene  at  the  opening 
in  which  Zambardo  falls  asleep  while  Fileno  is  mourning  his 
unrequited  love  for  Cefira.  It  is  interesting  to  find  the  bur- 
lesque element  appearing  in  what  we  may  rightly  consider  the 
first  serious  Spanish  play.  The  dispute  between  Fileno  and 
Cardonio  concerning  the  relative  virtues  and  vices  of  women 
is  the  first  example  of  the  dramatic  treatment  of  a  theme  which 
occupied  to  so  great  a  degree  the  attention  of  the  misogynistic 
and  philogynistic  poets  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  cen- 
turies ^  and  which  is  later  encountered  in  the  Farsa  del  matri- 
vionio  of  Diego  Sanchez  de  Badajoz,  the  Couiedia  Tibalda  of 
Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon  and  other  plays. 

Menendez  y  Pelayo,  having  in  mind  only  the  Cassaria  and 
/  Suppositi  of  Ariosto,  the  Calandria  of  Cardinal  P>ibbiena  and 
the  Mandragola  of  Machiavelli,  denied  the  influence  of  Italian 
literature  upon  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  and  declared  that 
the  tragic  denouement  was  suggested  by  the  Celestina '  and 
Car  eel  de  Amor.  Dr.  Kohler  denies  the  influence  of  these 
Spanish  works  ^  and  cites  three  Italian  plays,  the  plots  of  which 
resemble  somewhat  the  argument  of  Enzina's  eclogue.  These 
are  the  Filauro  by  Bernardo  Filostrato,  an  Egloga  pastorale  of 
Baldassare  Taccone  and  the  Egloga  pastorale  di  Flavia.  Of 
the  first  of  these  nothing  is  known  except  that  it  was  called 
atto  tragic o  by  Crescimbeni.  In  the  second,  Phileno  relates 
that  he  is  in  love  with  a  nymph  who  prefers  the  service  of 

*  See  A.  Farinelli,  Note  sulla  fortuna  del  Corbaccio  nella  Spagtui 
medievale,  published  in  Bausteine  zur  romanischen  Philologie,  Festgabe 
fiir  Adolfo  Mussaffia,  Halle,  1905,  pp.  401-60  and  Menendez  y  Pelayo, 
Antologia,  vol.  v. 

*  Antologia,  vol.  vii,  pp.  Ixxxvi-xc. 

^  Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogeu,  pp.  126-129. 


34  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Diana  to  that  of  \'enus  and  when  his  friend  Aminta  wishes  to 
lead  him  away,  the  unhappy  lover  objects,  preferring  to  die 
rather  than  abandon  the  search  for  his  nymph.  Still  closer, 
says  Dr.  Kohler,  is  the  resemblance  between  Enzina's  play  and 
the  Egloga  pastorale  di  Plavia}  Fileno  tells  his  friend  Silverio 
of  his  hopeless  love  for  a  nymph  and  on  remaining  alone,  is 
about  to  take  his  life  when  the  maiden  arrives  opportunely  to 
stay  his  hand,  declaring  that  women  can  not  declare  their  feel- 
ings and  that  they  must  be  understood  although  they  do  not 
speak.  It  is  true  that  there  is  a  slight  similarity  between  these 
compositions,  but  none  of  them  can  in  any  way  be  regarded  as 
the  source  of  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores.^ 

The  source  of  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  is  the  second  ec- 
logue •'  of  Antonio  Tebaldi  or  Tebaldeo,  who  was  born  at  Fer- 

'  This  eclogue  must  have  been  composed  before  1503.  See  Carrara, 
La  poesia  pastorale,  p.  214.  Dr.  Kohler,  following  Carducci,  Su  I' Aminta 
del  T.  Tasso,  Firenze,  1896,  assigns  it  to  the  year  1528.  Through  the 
kindness  of  my  friend,  Mr.  Vincenzo  di  Santo,  I  have  a  copy  of  the 
Egloga  di  Flavia,  preserved  at  the  Biblioteca  Communale  of  Siena  in 
the   collection    of    Commedie    dei    Rozzi,    with    the    catalogue   number, 

Q,  VII,  47. 

'The  similarity  in  the  name  Fileno  proves  nothing  since  it  is  found 
in  many  of  the  early  Italian  eclogues.  Senor  Cotarelo,  in  his  Estudios 
de  historia  literaria,  p.  170,  mentions  the  following  Italian  play,  a  copy 
of  which  was  found  by  Gallardo  in  the  Biblioteca  Colombina,  which 
he  assumes  to  be  a  translation,  imitation  or  extract  of  Enzina's  play, 
basing  his  opinion  on  the  similarity  of  the  names  Fileno  and  Saphyra 
(Cefira)  :  Egloghn  pastorica  asdruciolo  di  Phylenio  Gallo  da  Montiauo. 
Interlocutori,  Phylenio  et  Saphyra,  Nympha.  Stampata  in  Siena  p.  M. 
di  B.  F.  XXX  de  luglio  1524.  He  also  includes  this  play  as  Number  147 
among  the  rare  Italian  works  published  in  his  Catdlogo  de  ohras  drama- 
ticas,  impresas,  pero  no  conocidas  hasta  el  presente  con  un  apendice 
sobre  algunas  piezas  raras  6  no  conocidas  de  los  antiguos  teatros  f ranees 
c  italiaito,  Madrid,  1902.  This  play  by  the  Sienese  Phylenio  Gallo,  com- 
posed as  early  as  1497,  has  been  reprinted  by  Percopo,  La  prima  imita- 
sione  del  I'Arcadia,  Napoli,  1894.  It  has  nothing  common  with  Enzina's 
eclogue  except  the  names  of  the  chief  characters. 

'  I  pointed  out  the  source  of  this  play  in  an  article  entitled  The  Source 
of  Juan  del  Eiuina's  Egloga  de  Fileno  y  Zamhardo,  published  in  the 
Revue  Hispanique,  vol.  xxx,  1914. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  EN  Z  IN  A  3- 

rara  in  1463.^  He  resided  at  the  court  of  the  Este  family  and 
served  as  preceptor  in  ItaHan  poetry  to  the  Princess  Isabella. 
In  the  year  1496  he  went  to  Mantua  where  he  remained  four 
years  under  the  protection  of  the  Marquis  Francesco.  Toward 
the  end  of  1499  he  returned  to  Ferrara  and  became  the  secre- 
tary of  Lucrezia  Borgia.  He  went  to  Rome  about  the  year 
15 13,  where  he  became  intimate  with  Bembo,  Castiglione  and 
Raphael.  When  the  Imperial  troops  sacked  the  Holy  City  in 
1527,  he  lost  all  his  property  and  became  the  bitter  enemy  of 
Charles  V.  He  died  on  November  4,  1537.  His  Italian  verse, 
consisting  of  four  pastoral  eclogues,  epistles  in  terza  rinia  and 
some  three  hundred  sonnets,  the  extravagant  conceits  of  which 
make  him  a  precursor  of  the  poets  of  the  Seicento,"  were  pub- 
lished in  1499  t>y  his  cousin  Jacopo  Tebaldeo,  without  the 
author's  knowledge.  His  verses  were  highly  esteemed  by  his 
contemporaries  and  eleven  editions  of  his  Italian  poetry  ap- 
peared between  1499  and  1550.  It  is  likely  that  his  eclogues 
were  intended  for  representation,  for  we  know  that  one  of 
which  he  was  the  author  was  performed  at  Ferrara  during  the 
Carnival  of  1506,^  and  another  in  1505.  To  Tebaldeo  has  been 
generally  attributed  the  rifacimento  in  five  acts  of  Poliziano's 
Orfeo. 

His  second  eclogue  consists  of  251  lines  in  terza  rima.*     The 

'  For  the  biography  of  Tebaldeo,  see  Vittorio  Rossi,  //  Quattrorento, 
Milano,  pp.  389-391 ;  Luzio-Renier,  La  coltura  e  le  relacioni  lefterarie 
di  Isabella  d'Este  Gonsaga,  Giomale  storico  della  litteratura  italiana, 
vol.  xxxiii,  1899,  pp.  1-62;  F.  Cavicchi,  Intorono  al  Tebaldeo,  Giorn. 
stor.  della  let.  ital.,  supplenicnto,  no.  8,  1905;  D'Ancona,  Studj  sulfa 
letteratura  italiana  de'primi  secoli,  pp.  191-202  and  E.  G.  Gardner,  Dukes 
and  Poets  in  Ferrara,  New  York,  pp.  470-76. 

-  See  D.'Ancona,  Del  secentismo  nella  poesia  cortigiana  del  secolo  XV, 
in  Studj  sulla  letteratura  italiana  de'primi  secoli,  Ancona.  1884. 

*  G.  Campori,  Notizie  per  la  vita  di  L.  Ariosto,  Firenze,  1871,  p.  67 
and  Giorn.  stor.  della  let.  ital.,  vol.  xxxi,  1898.  p.  115. 

*  The  text  which  I  have  used  is  contained  in  Vol.  XVI  of  the 
Parnaso  italiano,  Egloghe  boscherecce  del  secolo  XV-XVI,  Venezia, 
1785,  pp.  30-35. 


36 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


interlocutors  are  two  shepherds,  Tirsi  and  Damone.  Tirsi  asks 
Dainone  the  cause  of  his  sorrow.  Damone  in  reply  asks  to  be 
left  alone  for  he  can  no  longer  enjoy  the  society  of  men  and 
bids  his  friend  inquire  no  further  concerning  the  reason  of  his 
grief.  Tirsi  pleads  that  their  long  friendship  justifies  this 
confidence  and  again  asks  him  to  reveal  his  secret.  Damone 
rather  brusquely  replies  that  he  wishes  to  be  alone,  and  Tirsi, 
apologizing  for  having  been  insistent,  says  that  he  will  go  to 
look  after  liis  flock.  When  Damone  remains  alone,  he  declares 
that  he  is  ready  for  death  since  Amarilli  turns  a  deaf  ear  to 
his  wooing.  As  he  stabs  himself,  he  bids  a  tender  farewell  to 
his  sheep,  now  left  without  a  shepherd,  and  with  his  last  breath 
pardons  the  maiden  for  her  cruelty. 

Tirsi  returns,  still  worried  over  the  change  which  has  come 
about  in  his  friend.  He  sees  Damone  lying  on  the  ground  and 
his  sheep  scattered.  On  drawing  nearer,  he  sees  the  pool  of 
blood  in  which  he  lies  and  the  dagger  in  his  heart.  He  tenderly 
mourns  his  death  and  reproaches  himself  for  having  left  the 
love-lorn  Damone.  He  prepares  the  body  for  burial  and  com- 
poses an  epitaph  for  his  tomb. 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  the  changes  made  by  Enzina  in  adapt- 
ing this  eclogue.  He  expands  the  Italian  work  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty-one  lines  into  a  play  consisting  of  thirty-seven  pages 
in  the  printed  version.  He  introduces  a  third  character,  the 
shepherd  Zambardo,  probably  in  order  to  give  greater  variety 
and  also  because  it  afforded  him  an  opportunity  for  comic 
effect.  While  in  the  original,  Damone  refuses  to  disclose  the 
cause  of  his  grief  and  accuses  his  friend  with  being  importu- 
nate, in  the  Spanish  play  Fileno  is  only  too  ready  to  confide  in 
the  other  two  shepherds.  Enzina  transformed  into  a  real  play 
what  is  hardly  more  than  a  literary  exercise.  The  long  dis- 
cussion between  Fileno  and  Cardonio  regarding  the  virtues  and 
imperfections  of  women  is  not  found  in  the  Italian  work. 
When  the  love-sick  shepherd  remains  alone,  however,  the  simi- 
larity l:)etween  the  two  eclogues  is  marked  as  a  few  examples 
will  prove. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  37 

Cardonio  says  that  he  must  look  after  his  flock :  ^ 

Tambien  porque  me  es,  Fileno,  forzado 
que  vaya  esta  noche  dormir  al  lugar, 
y  con  mi  ida  poner  el  ganado 
do  lobo  ninguno  lo  pueda  tocar. 

Tirsi  takes  leave  of  Damone :  ^ 

Rimanti  in  pace,  ch'io  me  ne  vo  via: 
tornar  vo'  al  gregge,  che  il  lupo  rapace 
facilmente  assalire  ora  il  potria. 

Fileno  bids  farewell  to  his  flock  and  stabs  himself  :^ 

Solo  el  partir  de  tu  compaiiia 
me  causa  pasion,  oh  pobre  ganado ! 
mas  place  a  Cupido  que  quedes  sin  guia, 
al  cual  obedezco  a  mal  de  mi  grado. 
Se  que  los  lobos  hambrientos  contino, 
por  ver  si  me  parto,  estan  asechando. 
Ay  triste  de  mi,  que  fuera  de  tino 
la  lumbre  a  mis  ojos  se  va  ya  quitando  ! 

Damone  also  foresees  the  destruction  of  his  sheep :  * 

Povero  armento  mio !     Chi  fia  tua  guida 
da  poi  che  il  tuo  pastor  da  te  si  parte? 
Quando  piu  troverai  scorta  si  fida? 

Gia  parmi  di  veder  tutto  straziarte 
da'lupi  ch'ognor  stanno  intenti  e  pronti 
aspettando  ch'io  vada  in  altra  parte. 

Mai  piu  non  ti  vedro  per  questi  monti 
pascer  le  tener'erbe,  e  al  tempo  estivo 
scacciar  la  sete  a  questi  freschi  fonti. 

Tu  puoi  viver  sicur  mentrc  son  vivo; 
ma  il  mi  convien  morire;  ond'io  ti  lasso: 
Amor  vuol  che  di  me  tu  resti  privo. 

'  Teatro  covtpleto,  p.  212. 
2  Tebaldeo,  11.  46-48. 
'  Teatro  completo,  p.  219. 
*  Tebaldeo,  11.  17^187. 


38 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


In  the  Spanish  play.  Cardonio  returns  anxiously  to  the  spot 
where  he  has  left  his  friend :  ^ 

Oh  Dios,  cuanto  se  es  Fileno  mudado 
de  aquello  que  era  desde  agora  dos  anos ! 
Y  como  le  ha  Cefira  trocado 
con  sus  palabrillas,  burletas  y  enganos! 
Quiero  tornar,  per  oirle  siquiera 
quejar  de  Cupido  y  su  poca  fe, 
y  porque  cierto  jamas  no  debiera 
dejarle  del  son  que  yo  le  deje. 

In  like  manner,  Tirsi  returns  to  Damone:  ^ 

Quanto  e  Damon  mutato  da  quel  ch'era ! 
Gia  viver  senza  me  non  sapea  un  giorno ; 
or  fugge  com'io  fussi  un'aspra  fiera: 

ma  fermo  io  nel  pensier  di  far  ritorno 
la  dove  il  lasciai  pien  d'afflizione, 
e  star  nascosto  a  quel  boschetto  intorno, 

tanto  che  intender  possa  la  cagione 
de  I'interna  sua  pena  aspra  ed  acerba, 
per  cui  fugge  la  luce  e  le  persone. 

Cardonio  sees  Fileno  lying  motionless  on  the  ground : ' 

Veslo  do  yace  en  la  yerba  tendido. 
Ay,  que  he  tenido  contino  temor 
que  solo  algun  lobo  no  lo  haya  hallado! 
mas  quiza  durmiendo  su  pena  e  dolor 
mitiga,  dejandole  el  Uoro  cansado. 

In  like  manner,  Tirsi  sees  the  prostrate  body  of  Damone :  * 

Ecco  che  giace  la  disteso  in  erba: 
veggo  disperse  andar  tutto  il  suo  armento : 
forse  il  dolor  dormendo  disacerba. 

'  Teatro  completo,  pp.  22021. 
2  Tebaldeo,  11.  194-202. 
^Teatro  completo,  p.  221. 
*  Tebaldeo,  11.  203-205. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  39 

Cardonio   steals   up  to   him   noiselessly   and  sees   blood   on 
Fileno's  chest  and  the  dagger  by  which  he  has  met  his  death :  ^ 

Mejor  es  salir  de  tanto  dudar, 
y  ver  bien  si  duerme  o  qu'es  lo  que  hace. 
La  boca  cerrada  por  no  resollar  .  .  . 
Y  es  sangre  aquella  que  en  su  pecho  yace? 
Sin  duda  el  es  muerto  de  algun  animal 
del  modo  que  siempre  yo,  triste,  he  temido. 
Oh  Venere  sancta!     Y  aquel  es  punal 
que  tiene  en  el  lado  siniestro  metido ! 

Oh  triste  Fileno,  y  cual  fantasia 
te  ha  conducido  a  tan  aspera  suerte ! 

This  is  almost  a  literal  translation  of  the  Italian  text :  ^ 

Andero  a  lui  col  pie  tacito  e  lento : 
tener  bisogna  ben  chiuse  le  labbia. 
Oime!  parmi  il  terren  sanguinolento. 

Temo  che  morto  qualche  animal  I'abbia, 
trovandol  qui  dormir  soletto  e  stance, 
che  molti  vengon  per  gran  fame  in  rabbia. 

Che  ferro  e  quel  ch'ha  nel  sinistro  fianco? 
Ahi  misero  Damon,  come  t'hai  morto? 
Come  in  brev'  ora  sei  venuto  manco  ? 

Cardonio  reproaches  his  friend  for  having  left  him  without 
even  an  embrace :  ^ 

Pues  dime,  enemigo,  por  que  me  negaste 
el  ultimo  abrazo,  siendote  hermano? 
o  cual  es  la  causa  que  no  me  tocaste, 
como  era  razon,  a!  menos  la  mano.'' 

Compare  with  this  Tebaldeo's  eclogue :  •* 

Deh,  perche  almen  la  mano  non  mi  toccasti, 
dicendo :  resta  in  pace,  Tirsi  fido? 
Perche  I'ultimo  bacio  a  me  negasti? 

^Teatro  completo,  pp.  221-22. 
2  Tebaldeo,  11.  206-214. 
'  Teatro  completo,  p.  222. 
*  11.  224-26. 


40 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


Cardonio  declares  that  Fileno's  reputation  in  the  world  will 
suffer  because  of  his  suicide:  * 

y  peor  es  que.  siendo  por  sabio  estimado, 
luego  que  sea  tu  muerte  sabida, 
de  todos  seras  por  loco  juzgado; 
porque  el  fin  es  aquel  que  honra  la  vida. 

Tirsi  expresses  the  same  regrets  concerning  Damone :  * 

Che  si  dira,  quando  fia  sparso  il  grido : 
Damon  s'e  ucciso  con  sua  propria  mano, 
come  gia  per  Enea  I'infausta  Dido? 

Tu  sarai  da  ciascun  chiamato  insano 
ch'eri  f ra  noi  tenuto  il  piu  prudente : 
il  fine  e  quel  che  loda  il  corso  humano. 

The  epitaphs  placed  upon  the  tomb  of  Fileno  and  of  Damone 
also  show  a  marked  similarity. 

The  indebtedness  of  Spanish  to  Italian  literature  of  the  six- 
teenth century  has  been  frequently  pointed  out  in  fiction,  lyric 
and  epic  poetry,  comedy  and  tragedy,  and  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  one  of  the  earliest  Spanish  pastoral  plays  is  borrowed 
from  an  Italian  eclogue.  This  fact  becomes  even  more  signifi- 
cant when  we  remember  that  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  is  the 
first  tragedy  in  the  Spanish  drama  and  contains  incidents  which 
were  frequently  repeated  in  subsequent  plays.^ 

*  Teatro  completo,  p.  222. 

2  Tebaldeo,  11.  227-32. 
The  fact  that  Enzina's  play  is  derived  from  an  Italian  eclogue  serves 
to  confirm  the  theory  that  the  egloghe  rapprescMtative  were  the  ultimate 
source  of  the  Italian  pastoral  drama,  which  was  first  clearly  stated  by 
Vittorio  Rossi  in  his  excellent  book,  Battista  Guarini  ed  il  Pastor  Fido, 
Torino,  1886.  Carducci,  in  his  essay,  Su  I'Aminta  di  T.  Tasso,  Firenze, 
1896,  refused  to  accept  these  conclusions  and  tried  to  prove  that  the 
Arcadian  drama  was  a  creation  of  the  literary  and  courtly  circles  of 
Ferrara  and  that  the  precursors  of  the  Aniinta  are  to  be  sought  in 
Reccari's  Sacrifizio  and  Giraldi  Cintio's  Egle.  iRossi  discussed  the 
theory  of  Carducci  in  the  Giornale  storico  della  letteratiira  italiana, 
vol.  xxxi,  1898,  p.  108,  and  reaffirmed  his  belief  that  the  eclogue  was 
capable  of  developing  into  real  drama.  Enzina's  use  of  Tebaldeo's 
eclogue  shows  how  simple  the  transformation  might  be. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZISA  41 

The  Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea  was  not  published  in  any 
edition  of  Enzina's  Cancionero,  and  the  unique  copy  from 
which  it  was  reprinted  by  Barbieri  bears  no  date.  Lucas  Fer- 
nandez refers  to  it  as  follows  in  speaking  of  the  ills  caused 
by  Love  in  his  Farsa  0  cuasi  comedia  del  soldado:  ^ 

Y  aim  Cristino  en  religion 

se  metio  y  dejo  su  hato. 

Despues  Amor  de  rebate 

le  saco  de  su  intencion ; 

enviole  mensajera 

muy  artera 

que  lo  tentase  de  amor, 

Ninfa  llamada  Febera, 

muy  artera, 

y  volviole  a  ser  pastor. 

Since  this  play  of  Fernandez  was  published  in  15 14,  Enzina's 
egloga  must  have  been  printed  before  that  date,  perhaps  in 
1509  as  Barbieri  conjectured.^  I  believe  that  it  was  composed 
during  Enzina's  first  visit  to  Italy  and  that  it  was  performed  at 
Rome.  In  addition  to  the  Italian  elements  in  the  play  which 
would  support  this  view,  it  bespeaks  a  court  production  of  the 
kind  common  in  Rome  at  the  time  but  unknown  in  Spain.^ 
The  shepherd  Cristino  tells  his  friend  Justino  that  he  is 

'  Farsas  y  eglogas  al  modo  y  cstilo  pastoril  y  castellatio,  Madrid,  1867, 
p.  94. 

'  For  a  discussion  of  the  date,  see  Kohler,  Sieben  spa>iische  drama- 
tische  Eklogen,  pp.  44-45  and  61.  Dr.  Kohler  has  proved  conclusively, 
in  my  opinion,  that  the  date  1497  ascribed  to  the  play  by  Cotarelo  is  in- 
correct. 

'  We  can  not  accept  without  further  evidence  the  statement  of  Dr. 
Kohler.  Representacioncs  dc  Juan  del  Encinu,  p.  15,  based  upon  the 
Historia  de  Malaga  of  Francisco  Guillen  Robles  and  also  mentioned  in 
Narcisco  Diaz  de  Escovar's  El  Teatro  en  Malaga.  Malaga,  1896,  that 
public  performances  in  Malaga  date  from  1490,  that  after  1513  the  Real 
Hospital  de  la  Caridad  became  the  beneficiary  of  these  representa- 
tions, and  that  Enzina's  plays  could  have  been  produced  publicly  dur- 
ing his  residence  in  that  city.  See  the  excellent  work  of  Henri  Meri- 
mee.  Spectacles  et  Comediens  a  Valencia,  1913,  p.  22). 


42 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


weary  of  life  with  its  bitter  disai>pointments  and  wishes  to  do 
penance  in  a  hermitage  for  his  faults.  Had  he  suffered  as 
many  pains  for  God  as  he  had  experienced  in  love  affairs  and 
with  his  patrons,  he  would  be  canonized.  Justino  is  sceptical 
as  to  the  vocation  of  his  friend  and  reminds  him  of  the  de- 
lights of  pastoral  life  which  he  must  abandon.  Cristino  re- 
mains unshaken  in  his  purpose  and  departs  to  don  the  garb 
of  a  hermit.  Cupid  then  appears  before  Justino,  furious  that 
Cristino  has  renounced  worldly  pleasures.  He  summons  the 
nymph  Febea  and  bids  her  dissuade  the  shepherd  from  his  in- 
tention, promising  to  make  him  suffer  for  his  temerity.  The 
n>Tnph  forthwith  presents  herself  at  the  hermitage  and  argues 
that  one  may  serve  God  as  well  in  the  world  as  in  religion : 

Vivir  bien  es  gran  consuelo, 

con  buen  celo, 

como  Santos  gloriosos : 

no  todos  los  religiosos 

son  los  que  suben  al  cielo ; 

tambien  serviras  a  Dios 

entre  nos ; 

que  mas  de  buenos  pastores 

hay  que  frailes  y  mejores, 

y  en  tu  tierra  mas  de  dos. 

This  cunning  argimient,  however,  has  little  effect  upon  the 
pious  hermit.  Febea  draws  near  and  Cristino  shrinks  from 
her  touch,  not  from  displeasure  but  through  fear  of  gossip. 
The  nymph  offers  her  love  and  Cristino  tries  to  resist  the 
temptation,  but  we  feel  that  the  Church  is  in  grave  danger  of 
losing  one  of  her  own.  He  complains  bitterly  against  Cupid 
who  has  pursued  him  to  his  place  of  refuge  and  the  god  ap- 
pears, promising  to  accord  any  favour.  The  shepherd  offers 
to  discard  his  hermit's  garb,  provided  that  he  be  granted  the 
love  of  Febea.  Cupid  agrees  to  the  condition,  but  warns  him 
to  never  again  think  of  the  religious  life.  When  Cristino 
meets  Justino.  he  tells  him  of  the  temptations  to  wdiich  he  has 
been  subjected,  and  his  companion  comforts  him  with  the  re- 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA 


43 


mark  that  after  all.  only  centenarians  are  suited  for  the  life 
of  a  hermit : 

Las  vidas  de  las  hermitas 
son  benditas, 

mas  nunca  son  hermitanos 
sino  viejos  de  cient  aiios. 

Cristino  agrees,  although  somewhat  mortified  by  the  thought 
of  the  scandal  likely  to  arise  from  his  apostasy,  but  even  this 
is  forgotten  in  his  delight  at  escaping  from  a  life  which  was 
tiresome  and  ill-suited  to  him. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  play  is  to  a  certain  degree 
autobiographical,  a  theory  which  seems  to  have  good  grounds 
of  probability.  The  anti-clerical  tone,  the  revolt  against  ascetic 
doctrines,  the  statement  that  the  religious  life  is  only  adapted 
to  old  men,  and  that  there  are  more  good  shepherds  (the 
author  really  means  courtiers)  in  the  world  than  friars,  may 
be  ascribed  to  Enzina's  contact  with  the  free  ideas  current  in 
Italy  at  the  time.  The  influence  of  Rodrigo  Cota's  Dialogo 
entre  el  Amor  y  un  viejo  is  clear,  but  the  author  made  certain 
innovations  not  found  in  earlier  Spanish  literature.  The  ap- 
pearance of  the  nymph  in  the  play  is  due  to  Enzina's  ac- 
quaintance with  Italian  literature,  for  no  figure  is  more  fre- 
quently found  in  the  Italian  eclogues  of  the  period.  The 
poet's  lack  of  familiarity  with  this  type  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  she  appears  at  Cupid's  summons  as  a  supernatural  crea- 
ture, yet  on  the  earnest  plea  of  Cristino,  he  is  promised  her 
love  by  Cupid.  The  Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea  may  be  re- 
garded as  a  play  using  Spanish  material,  conceived  in  the 
Italian  spirit. 

Enzina's  last  dramatic  composition,  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y 
Vitoriano,  was  not  published  in  any  edition  of  his  Cancionero 
and  the  unique  original  copy  has  neither  date  nor  place  of  pub- 
lication. Moratin  mentions  a  Roman  edition  of  15 14,  but 
nothing  further  is  known  of  its  existence.  It  is  almost  certain, 
however,  that  this  is  the  play  referred  to  in  a  letter  of  Stazio 
Gadio  to  the  Marquis  Francesco  of  Mantua,  dated  January  11, 


44 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


1513:  "  Zovedi  a  YI.  festa  de  li  Tre  Re,  il  sr.  Federico  ...  si 
redusse  alle  xxiij  hore  a  casa  dil  Cardinale  Arborensis,  invi- 
tato  da  lui  ad  una  commedia.  .  .  .  Cenato  adunche  si  redus- 
seno  tutti  in  una  sala,  ove  si  havea  ad  representare  la  com- 
media. II  pto.  Rmo.  era  sedendo  tra  il  sr.  Federico,  posto  a 
man  dritta,  et  lo  Ambassator  di  Spagna  a  man  sinistra  et  molti 
vescovi  poi  a  torno,  tutti  spagnoli ;  quella  sala  era  tutta  piena 
di  gente,  e  piu  de  le  due  parte  erano  spagnoli,  e  piu  putane 
spagnole  vi  erano  che  homini  italiani,  perche  la  commedia  fu 
recitata  in  lingua  castiliana,  composta  da  Zoanne  del  Enzina, 
qual  intervene  lui  ad  dir  le  forze  et  accidenti  di  amore,  et  per 
quanto  dicono  spagnoli  non  fu  molto  bella  et  pocho  deletto  al 
Sr.  Federico."  ^  This  document  shows  that  Enzina  was  not 
only  the  author  of  the  play  presented  on  Twelfth  Night,  15 13, 
but  that  he  also  took  part  in  the  performance.  Cardinal  Ar- 
borea,  at  whose  house  the  play  was  performed,  was  the  Valen- 
cian  Jaime  Serra,  elevated  to  the  College  of  Cardinals  by  Alex- 
ander VI  in  15 10.- 

It  is  true  that  Julius  II  preferred  scenes  of  battle  to  the 
theatre,  but  he  was  a  patron  of  plays  and  we  have  many  docu- 
ments whicii  attest  the  performance  of  comedies  and  eclogues 

'  First  published  by  A.  Luzio  in  an  article  entitled  Federico  Gonzaga 
ostaggio  alia  corte  di  Giulio  H,  Archivio  della  R.  Societd  romana  di 
storia  patria,  Vol.  IX,  1881,  p.  550.  It  was  mentioned  by  Arturo  Graf, 
Attraverso  il  Cinquecento,  Torino,  1888,  pp.  264-65,  who  incorrectly 
ascribes  the  performance  to  August,  1513.  Senor  Menendez  y  Pelayo, 
Antologia  de  poetas  liricos  castellanos,  Vol.  VII,  p.  xiii,  quoting  from 
Graf,  declares  that  Enzina  could  not  have  witnessed  the  performance 
of  the  play  since  documents  show  that  he  had  returned  to  Spain  by 
August  13,  1513.  It  was  first  identified  as  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vi- 
toriano  by  A.  L.  Stiefel,  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanischc  Philologic,  Vol. 
X\-II.  1893.  p.  586. 

'  Creizenach,  Geschichte  des  neueren  Dramas,  Vol.  Ill,  Halle,  1903, 
p.  100.  In  the  Conclave  of  March  10,  1513,  two  months  after  the  per- 
formance of  Enzina's  play,  Serra  received  the  highest  number  of  votes 
to  succeed  Julius  II.  althougli  apparently  no  one  thought  seriously  of 
his  election  to  the  Papacy. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA 


45 


at  Rome  during  the  years  that  he  occupied  the  Papacy.'  The 
wealthy  banker  Agostino  Chigi,  "  the  Rothschild  of  his  time  ", 
encouraged  Siennese  companies  to  perform  popular  comedies 
at  Rome  -  and  plays  of  this  sort  became  one  of  the  chief  diver- 
sions of  the  entourage  of  Julius  II  and  of  his  successor  Leo  X. 
The  presence  of  women  of  the  demi-monde  with  a  goodly  array 
of  Cardinals  at  the  performance  of  Enzina's  play  will  sur- 
prise no  one  who  has  read  of  the  private  life  at  Rome  in  the 
early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century.^ 

The  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano  opens  with  a  prologue 
recited  by  Gil  Cestero,  who  addressing  the  coinpana  nobre  and 
especially  nuestro  amo  (probably  Cardinal  Arborea),  gives  an 
outline  of  the  plot  and  asks  for  attention.  The  play  may  be 
divided  into  ten  scenes  or  two  acts,  since  a  villancico  is  sung 
after  the  fourth  scene. 

Placida  mourns  because  she  beheves  herself  abandoned  by 
her  lover  Vitoriano.  His  absence  makes  her  long  for  death 
and  at  the  same  time  she  curses  him  for  his  treachery.  In  her 
anguish,  she  calls  for  her  recreant  lover  and  determines  to  flee 
to  the  mountains  and  dark  groves  where  the  wild  beasts,  the 
springs  and  rivers  will  have  pity  upon  her  grief.  After  she 
withdraws,  Vitoriano  appears,  complaining  that  he  has  been 
unable  to  escape  from  the  bonds  which  unite  him  to  his  mis- 
tress since  absence  has  only  increased  his  love  for  her  and  she 
is  ever  present  in  his  thoughts.     He  seeks  the  counsel  of  his 

1  See  D'Ancona.  Origini  del  teatro  italiano.  Vol.  II.  Torino,  1891,  pp. 
75-83. 

2  We  know,  for  example,  of  a  dinner  given  in  July,  1512,  by  Chigi  to 
Federico  Gonzaga,  "  e  nanti  si  cominciasse  a  cenare,  se  f ece  fare  una 
Representatione  pastoral,  recitata  da  alcuni  putti  e  putte  senesi,  che 
molto  bene  dissero,  e  fu  bella  materia."  DWncona,  Origini,  Vol.  II, 
p.  81.  On  the  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  of  Siena  and  its  predecessors,  see 
C.  Mazzi.  La  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  di  Sienn  nel  seeolo  XVI.  2  vols, 
Firenze.   1882. 

'  See  in  this  connection  the  interesting  essay  of  Arturo  Graf,  Una 
Cortigiana  fra  mille,  contained  in  his  volume  entitled  Attraverso  U  Cin- 
quecento,  Torino,  1888. 


46 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


friend  Suplicio  who  urges  liiin  to  forget  the  old  love  by  taking 
up  a  new  one  ^  and  suggests  that  he  court  the  fair  Flugencia. 
Vitoriano  agrees  to  this  with  some  reluctance  and  Suplicio 
promises  to  arrange  the  meeting. 

In  the  next  scene,  Vitoriano  greets  Flugencia  with  flatter- 
ing words  which  she  at  first  pretends  to  doubt.  He  presses  his 
suit,  praising  her  beauty  and  telling  of  the  sorrow  which  her 
indifference  causes  him.  She  makes  sport  of  his  protesta- 
tions, but  coquettishly  gives  him  reason  to  hope  that  his  desires 
will  be  gratified.  The  scene  is  skilfully  represented  and  shows 
Enzina  at  his  best  as  a  dramatist. 

The  next  scene,  derived  from  the  Celestitia,  has  almost  no 
connection  with  the  rest  of  the  play  and  was  well  suited  to  the 
puttane  spagmwle  who  witnessed  the  performance  at  Rome. 
Flugencia  meets  and  exchanges  obscene  jokes  with  the  coma- 
dre  Eritea,  an  infamous  hag,  expert  in  magic  love  potions,  abor- 
tions and  even  more  disgraceful  practices.  Vitoriano,  how- 
ever, tells  Suplicio  that  Flugencia  can  never  make  him  forget 
his  love  for  Placida  and  that  he  would  rather  die  a  thousand 
times  than  break  his  faith  with  her.  Vitoriano  departs  to 
seek  Placida,  leaving  Suplicio  alone  who  bitterly  reproaches 
Cupid  for  having  wrought  this  transformation  in  his  friend. 
Vitoriano  returns  in  great  anguish,  for  a  shepherd  has  told  him 
that  he  has  seen  Placida  seeking  some  lonely  place  and  lament- 
ing the  infidelity  of  her  lover.  He  determines  to  die  since  he 
has  treated  her  so  cruelly.  While  Suplicio  is  questioning  the 
shepherd  Pascual,  Vitoriano  slips  away. 

The  next  scene,  which  serves  as  an  interlude,  consists  of  a 
dialogue  between  Gil  and  Pascual  which  by  its  realistic  tone 
resembles  the  rude  representation  of  shepherds  found  in  En- 
zina's  Christmas  plays.  The  burlesque  purpose  of  the  scene 
is  evident.  They  talk  about  the  strange  conduct  of  Placida 
and  Vitoriano  and  when  Gil  remarks  that  he  pities  them  for 
their  misfortunes,  Pascual  replies: 

'  This  passage,  Teatro  completo,  p.  273,  is  derived  from  Ovid's  Reme- 
dia  avwris,  Book  II,  pp.  452-460. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  47 

Dalos  a  rabia  y  a  roiia 
los  de  villa  y  palaciegos ! 
El  amor  los  endimona. 
Peores  son  que  ponzona, 
todos  son  unos  rapiegos 
lladrobaces 

que  nunca  querrian  paces. 
Dies  les  de  malos  sosiegos. 

They  sit  down  to  play  dice  and  Gil  forfeits  his  basket,  but  the 
game  is  interrupted  by  the  strains  of  a  reed-pipe  and  they  re- 
tire, singing  a  villancico. 

Placida  appears,  lamenting  her  cruel  fate  and  desirous  only 
of  death  since  she  has  lost  the  love  of  Vitoriano.  With  bitter 
reproaches  which  recall  those  of  the  abandoned  Dido,^  she 
plunges  into  her  heart  the  dagger  which  had  been  left  behind 
by  Vitoriano,  calling  upon  Cupid  to  receive  her  sacrifice.  Vi- 
toriano enters,  mourning  the  absence  of  his  sweetheart,  but 
Echo  alone  replies  to  his  laments.^  He  comes  upon  the  corpse 
of  Placida,  becomes  deathly  pale  and  is  overwhelmed  with 
grief  when  he  learns  that  she  had  committed  suicide  with  his 
own  dagger.  He  desires  to  take  his  life  but  his  friend  Sup- 
licio  restrains  him,  asking  whether  he  wishes  to  lose  his  soul 
as  well  as  his  body,  and  only  consents  to  leave  Vitoriano  alone 
on  the  promise  that  he  will  do  himself  no  injury. 

This  scene  is  followed  by  the  long  and  tiresome  Vigilia  de 
la  enamorada  muerta,  a  sacrilegious  parody  of  the  prayers  for 
the  dead  in  which  the  god  Cupid  is  invoked.  The  fact  that 
parodies  of  this  kind  were  composed  by  a  number  of  Enzina's 
contemporaries  does  not  mitigate  the  offense  but  serves  to  ex- 
plain it.  Probably  the  most  famous  example  of  this  type  is 
found  in  the  Liciones  de  Job  of  Garci  Sanchez  de  Badajoz  and 
a  similar  irreligious  spirit  animates  the  Siete  gozos  de  amor  of 

'  See  R.  Schevill,  Studies  in  Cervantes,  Persiles  y  Sigismunda,  Trans- 
actions of  the  Connecticut  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Vol.  XIII. 
1908,  p.  486. 

'  This  metrical  exercise  is  also  found  in  the  Cancionero  general.  Vol. 
n,  p.  21. 


48  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Rodriguez  del  Padron,  the  Diez  mandamicntos  de  amor,  el 
Pater  Noster  de  las  mujeres  and  certain  coplas  of  Mossen 
Gai^uU.  aplicando  el  salmo  De  Profundis  a  sus  pasiones  de 
amor,  all  of  which  are  contained  in  the  151 1  edition  of  the 
Cancionero  general.^ 

This  is  followed  by  a  sort  of  interlude  between  Gil,  Pascual 
and  Suplicio.  The  rude  shepherds  distrust  SupHcio  at  first 
and  show  little  interest  when  they  learn  that  Placida  has  put 
an  end  to  her  life.  They  refuse  to  aid  in  her  burial  until  they 
have  had  a  nap.  He  leaves  in  despair  and  the  scene  changes 
to  Vitoriano  who  commends  his  soul  to  \'enus  as  he  is  about 
to  end  his  life.  Venus,  however,  appears  and  stays  his  hand, 
assuring  him  that  Placida  is  not  really  dead  and  that  if  he  will 
have  faith,  she  will  restore  her  to  life.  She  summons  Mer- 
cury, bidding  him  to  bring  the  soul  of  Placida  back  to  her 
l)ody;  Mercury  recites  an  incantation  and  vanishes.  Vitori- 
ano, scarcely  able  to  believe  the  evidence  of  his  own  eyes,  sees 
the  maiden  gradually  recover  her  faculties.  She  tells  him  that 
she  has  returned  from  the  other  world  where  she  had  learned 
that  she  would  soon  be  joined  by  him.  He  shows  her  the  dag- 
ger as  proof  that  he  had  determined  to  die  and  Placida  offers 
up  thanksgiving  to  God  and  also  to  Venus,  Mercury  and  Cupid, 
for  their  kind  offices. 

In  the  following  scene,  Suplicio  returns  with  Gil  and  Pas- 
cual to  inter  the  body  of  Placida,  planning  a  suitable  place  for 
the  burial,  while  Suplicio  is  already  composing  the  epitaph 
when  they  see  a  man  and  woman  in  the  distance  who  Gil  thinks 
must  be  Juan  and  Benita.  To  their  great  surprise,  they  recog- 
nize Vitoriano,  and  Placida,  apparently  none  the  worse  for  her 
experience.     Vitoriano  can  oft'er  no  explanation  for  the  mir- 

'  Mario  Equicola  in  his  Libro  di  natura  damore,  Venezia,  1531,  fol. 
191V.,  says:  "  Non  lauclo  tra  Spagnoli  ne  in  altra  natione  quelli  che  le 
cose  sacre  et  divine  alii  amori  appropriano."  These  parodies  are  akin 
to  the  Old  French  Epitres  farcies.  See  also  E.  Faral,  Les  Jongleurs  en 
France  au  May  en  Age,  Paris,  1910,  p.  32  and  D'Ancona,  Orit/inj  del 
teatro  italiano,  Vol.  I,  1891,  p.  67. 


THE  PLAYS  OF  JUAN  DEL  ENZINA  49 

acle  but  tells  how  his  ardent  desire  has  been  fulfilled  by  Venus 
and  Mercury.    The  play  ends  with  a  dance/ 

The  reader  need  not  be  surprised  at  the  unexpected  denoue- 
ment, for  the  pastoral  drama  frequently  defied  all  laws  of 
probability.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  Tasso's  Antdnta, 
Silvia  has  a  remarkable  escape  from  a  wolf  and  Aminta  him- 
self, when  attempting  suicide  by  leaping  from  a  high  cliff,  gets 
off  with  a  few  scratches.  Many  shepherds  and  shepherdesses 
in  the  Italian  eclogues  were  eager  for  death,  but  someone  usu- 
ally intervened  to  prevent  what  must  otherwise  have  resulted 
in  a  high  mortality  rate.  Sometimes  a  divinity  intervened,  as 
in  Enzina's  play ;  in  other  cases  as  in  the  seventh  prose  portion 
of  Sannazaro's  Arcadia  and  in  the  Egloga  pastorale  di  Flavia, 
it  was  the  lady  herself  who  saved  her  lover  from  death.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  Enzina  borrowed  the  chief  incidents  of  this 
play  from  Italian  pastoral  and  mythological  compositions,  al- 
though the  precise  source  has  not  been  determined,  and  intro- 
duced into  the  material  a  certain  human  interest  and  air  of 
realism  by  the  use  of  elements  borrowed  from  the  Celestina 
and  from  his  own  early  pastorals.  The  burlesque  purpose  of 
certain  scenes  is  especially  noteworthy,  which  is  prominent  in 
some  of  the  Italian  plays  of  the  period  and  which  later  was  to 
develop  into  the  comrnedia  rusticale.  There  is  no  reason  to 
suppose,  however,  that  the  author  derived  these  comic  scenes 
from  Italian  sources.  Gil,  Suplicio  and  Pascual  diflfer  but 
little  from  the  shepherds  who  appear  in  his  own  Christmas 
plays  and  eclogues  "  en  requesta  de  amores  ". 

Although  the  crude  representation  of  shepherds  in  the 
Christmas  and  Carnival  plays  belongs  to  the  history  of  the 
farce,  the  requesta  de  amores  theme  and  the  incidents  found 
in  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  and  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitori- 
ano,  borrowed  from  Italian  models,  formed  the  basis  for  the 
subsequent  development  of  the  pastoral  drama. 

'  The  play  is  followed  by  various  canciones,  etc.,  which  are  attributed 
to  Cartagena,  Nunez,  Manrique  and  other  poets  in  the  Cancionei'o  gen- 
eral, and  also  by  a  parody  on  the  liturgy  entitled  Nunc  Dimittis  by 
Fernan  Lopez  de  Yanguas. 


^O  THE  SPAMSH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

We  also  find  in  Enzina's  plays  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish 
lyrical  drama,  as  far  as  our  texts  are  concerned.  All  of  his 
plays,  with  the  exception  of  the  introduction  to  the  first 
Christmas  eclogue,  the  Egloga  de  las  grandes  lluvias  and  the 
Egloga  dc  tres  pastorcs,^  conclude  with  a  villancico  or  cantor- 
cillo,  which  is  usually  accompanied  by  a  dance.  The  second 
Egloga  en  re  quest  a  de  amoves  and  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vi- 
toriano  are  divided  into  two  parts  by  a  song.  In  the  majority 
of  cases  the  text  is  given,  and  for  three  of  them,  the  musical 
notation  has  been  preserved.^  Most  of  them  were  sung  by 
four  persons,  which  doubtless  aflfected  the  number  of  char- 
acters in  the  early  plays,  and  it  is  interesting  to  see  how  a 
fourth  shepherd  was  introduced  at  the  very  end  of  the  Aucto 
del  Repelon  in  order  that  they  might  be  able  to  "  cantar  dos 
por  dos  ".  This  practice  of  combining  recitation  with  song 
was  continued  by  Lucas  Fernandez,  Gil  Vicente  and  other 
poets,  and  leads  directly  to  the  :;arzuela  in  the  time  of  Calderon 
de  la  Barca.^ 

*  The  old  suelta  edition  of  this  play  ends  with  the  words, 

Queremos  rogaros  queraris  entonar 
un  triste  requiem  que  diga  de  amores. 

*  See  Francisco  Asenjo  Barbieri,  Cancionero  musical  de  los  siglos 
XV  y  XVI,  Madrid,  Nos.  353,  354  and  357. 

'  See  Felipe  Pedrell,  Teatro  lirico  espanol  anterior  al  siglo  XIX,  Vols. 
III-V,  La  Coruna,  1897-98.  Cotarelo  y  Mori  mentions  a  number  of 
examples  of  music  and  songs  in  the  early  plays  in  the  introduction  to 
his  Coleccion  de  entremeses,  loas,  bailcs,  jdcaras  y  mojigangas  desde 
fines  del  siglo  XVI  a  mediados  del  XVIII,  Tomo  I,  Vol.  1,  Madrid, 
191 1,  pp.  cclxxvi-cclxxix. 


CHAPTER  III. 
Pastoral  Plays  after  Enzina. 

An  immediate  successor  and  imitator  of  Enzina  is  Lucas 
Fernandez  of  whom  we  know  little  beyond  what  may  be 
learned  from  a  study  of  his  works.  The  date  of  his  birth  and 
death  alike  remain  unknown,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  born 
and  lived  at  Salamanca  and  that  he  was  not  only  a  contem- 
porary of  Enzina,  but  was  acquainted  with  his  plays  and  imi- 
tated them.^  That  he  was  a  cleric  is  proven  by  his  knowledge 
of  classical  mythology  and  the  liturgical  character  of  his  re- 
ligious plays.  Like  Enzina,  he  was  skilled  in  music  and  this 
constitutes  an  important  part  in  his  plays.  His  name  is  not 
mentioned  by  Agustin  de  Rojas  nor  by  any  other  writer  of  the 
sixteenth  or  seventeenth  century  who  discussed  the  origins  of 
the  drama  in  Spain  and  his  Farsas  y  eglogas  al  modo  y  estilo 
pastoril  y  castellano,  published  at  Salamanca  in  15 14,  were  not 
republished  until  1867.' 

The  collection  consists  of  six  plays,  three  religious  and  three 
secular,  and  a  non-dramatic  Dialogo  para  cantar.  The  Awto 
de  la  Pasion  is  a  liturgical  drama  without  popular  elements. 
The  two  Christmas  plays,  Egloga  0  farsa  del  nascimiento  de 
niiestro  redemptor  Jesu  Cristo  and  Auto  o  farsa  del  nasci- 
miento de  niiestro  sefior  Jesu  Cristo  show  no  advance  over  the 
eclogues  of  Enzina  dealing  with  the  same  subject.  Although 
their   didactic  purpose  is  evident,  the  comic   element   intro- 

^  In  his  Farsa  o  cuasi  comedia  {del  soldado),  he  refers  to  Enzina's 
two  eclogues  en  requcsta  de  unos  amores,  Representacion  del  Amor, 
Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea  and  Egloga  de  Ires  pastor es.  See  page  54 
of  this  study. 

2  Edited  with  an  introduction  by  Canete,  Madrid,  1887. 

51 


52 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


duced  in  the  cnule  representation  of  the  daily  hfe  of  the  shep- 
lierds  shows  to  what  an  extent  the  spirit  of  the  popular  farce 
had  obtruded  itself  into  the  religious  plays. 

The  three  secular  plays  of  Lucas  Fernandez  treat  themes 
which  we  have  already  found  in  the  early  eclogues  of  En- 
zina  and  introduce  but  few  new  elements.  The  comcdia  {de 
Bras-Gil,  Bcringuella  y  Miguel-Turra)  aims  to  give  a  rustic 
setting  to  the  requesta  de  amores  theme  and  the  characters  are 
real  shepherds  and  shepherdesses,  not  knights  and  ladies  mas- 
querading. Bras-Gil,  an  unpolished  Fileno,  has  been  wounded 
by  Cupid's  arrow,  and  has  sought  the  shepherdess  Beringuella 
so  far  over  hill  and  valley  without  success  that  he  can  neither 
eat  nor  sleep.  He  sees  in  the  distance  the  object  of  his  search 
and  at  first  can  scarcely  believe  his  eyes.  He  accosts  her  with 
flattering  words,  humbly  begging  her  favour,  but  she  brusquely 
bids  him  to  leave  her  in  peace.  He  reproaches  her  for  her 
cruel  treatment  and  shows  her  a  carved  spoon  which  he  has 
brought  as  a  present.  When  he  says  there  is  no  remedy  for 
his  ill,  she  suggests  a  little  salve  or  syrup.  She  finally  yields 
to  his  importunities,  however,  he  then  offers  her  a  ring  and 
they  start  otT  together  to  the  sheep-fold.  Their  dream  of 
happiness  is  rudely  shattered  by  the  arrival  of  Juan-Benito, 
Beringuella's  grandfather.  The  lovers  try  in  vain  to  hide  and 
Juan-Benito  accuses  Bras  of  having  attempted  to  seduce  the 
maiden.  The  shepherd  indignantly  denies  the  charge,  swear- 
ing by  everything  holy  that  he  has  done  the  girl  no  harm.  The 
grandfather  and  suitor  are  on  the  point  of  coming  to  blows 
when  another  shepherd,  Miguel-Turra,  intervenes  in  the  dis- 
pute. He  suggests  that  the  quarrel  may  be  settled  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Beringuella  and  Bras,  and  the  latter  recites  at  length 
his  lineage  to  the  third  and  fourth  generation  when  the  grand- 
father declares  that  the  match  is  not  an  equal  one.  Finally  he 
gives  his  consent  to  the  marriage  and  recounts  at  length  the 
objects  which  he  will  give  as  Beringuella's  dowry  and  the 
bridegroom  promises  an  equally  long  list  of  presents.  Miguel- 
Turra  summons  his  wife  for  the  nuptials  and  the  play  ends 
with  a  song  and  dance  in  which  all  the  characters  join. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  EN ZIN A  -3 

The  play,  composed  certainly  before  1509  since  the  Farsa  o 
cuasi  comedia  del  soldado  of  that  year  contains  a  reference  to 
it  ^  and  probably  written  several  years  earlier,  shows  the  in- 
fluence of  Enzina's  reqiiesta  de  anwrcs  eclogues  both  in  the 
versification  (double  redondillas)  and  in  the  subject-matter.  It 
is  probable  that  it  was  performed  to  celebrate  the  wedding  of 
some  nobleman.^  We  must  remember  that  an  attempt  to  por- 
tray in  rustic  fashion  the  love  afifairs  of  shepherds  would  only 
prove  interesting  to  people  of  quality.  The  play  is  also  note- 
worthy as  showing  how  easily  the  conventional  pastoral  could 
be  transformed  into  a  farce. 

The  influence  of  Enzina's  first  Egloga  en  requ-esta  de  unos 
amores  is  still  more  clearly  seen  in  Fernandez's  Farsa  0  cuasi 
comedia.  The  theme  is  the  same,  a  contralto  between  a  knight 
and  shepherd  for  the  love  of  a  maiden,  except  that  in  Fernan- 
dez's play,  the  girl  is  a  doncella  (lady),  not  a  shepherdess. 
This  is  the  first  Spanish  play  which  we  possess,  treating  an  in- 
cident frequently  found  in  later  pastorals,  the  burlesque  court- 
ship of  a  lady  by  a  rude  shepherd.  There  is  no  internal  evi- 
dence which  would  permit  us  to  determine  its  date  of  compo- 
sition, except  that  it  must  have  been  written  after  1496,  the 
date  of  publication  of  the  first  edition  of  Enzina's  Cancionero. 

A  maiden,  whose  name  is  not  given,  complains  bitterly  of 
Fortune  who  has  separated  her  from  her  lover  and  inquires 
of  a  shepherd  whom  she  meets  whether  he  has  seen  a  knight 
in  the  neighborhood,  and  the  shepherd  replies : 

Y  que  cosa  es  caballero? 
Es  algun  huerte  alemana, 
o  Hobo  rabaz  muy  fiero, 
o  vignadero, 
o  es  quizas  musarana  ? 

*  Kohler,  ihid.,  p.  55. 

*  There  is  evidence  that  weddings  were  often  celebrated  by  the  per- 
formance of  plays.  Enzina's  Representacion  del  Amor  was  written  in 
honour  of  the  marriage  of  Prince  John  of  Castile,  the  Egloga  ynter- 
locutoria  of  Diego  de  Avila  is  a  wedding  play  and  Diego  Sanchez  de 
Badajoz's  Farsa  del  Matrimonio  (1530),  bears  the  rubric,  "para  repre- 
sentar  en  bodas." 


-^  THE  SPAMSH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

She  explains  that  caballcro  means  houibre  del  palacio  but  the 
sheplierd,  undaunted,  urges  her  to  accept  his  love  instead,  as- 
serting his  own  superiority.  In  her  despair,  she  declares  that 
she  will  put  an  end  to  her  life,  like  Dido,  and  the  shepherd, 
tieclaring  that  Dido  must  have  been  a  fool,  advises  her  to  offer 
a  reward  for  her  lost  love,  for  he  had  once  recovered  a  she-ass 
by  such  means.  When  he  presses  his  suit  in  his  rude  way,  the 
lady  expresses  surprise  that  even  shepherds  feel  the  wounds 
of  Cupid.  He  replies  that  Love  deprives  them  of  their 
thoughts  and  senses  and  narrates  in  rustic  fashion  the  power 
of  Love  over  all  creatures.  He  suggests  that  she  may  find  a 
refuge  in  his  cabin  and  promises  her  many  gifts,  but  she  de- 
clares that  she  prefers  the  grave.  At  this  point  the  knight 
appears  who  puts  the  shepherd  to  flight  after  a  brief  dispute 
and  the  play  ends  with  a  villancico.  The  farcical  element  was 
designed  to  amuse  an  aristocratic  audience  and  the  triumph 
of  the  courtier  over  the  rustic  is  merely  a  repetition  of  the 
same  incident  in  Enzina's  first  Egloga  en  requesta  de  unos 
amoves.  In  a  number  of  later  plays,  such  as  the  Egloga  of  Juan 
de  Paris,  Farsa  Ardamisa  of  Diego  de  Negueruela  and  Comc- 
dia  Florisea  of  Francisco  de  Avendafio,  we  find  a  lady  in 
search  of  her  lover  who  is  exposed  to  insulting  proposals  from 
boorish  shepherds. 

The  love  of  a  rude  shepherd  is  again  the  theme  of  Lucas 
Fernandez's  Farsa  o  cuasi  comedia  del  soldado.  Prabos 
laments  the  ills  which  he  has  received  at  the  hands  of  Love ; 
his  flock  strays  at  will,  he  has  forgotten  how  to  play  his  pipe 
and  the  pleasures  of  life  have  turned  into  bitter  sorrow.  A 
soldier  draws  near  who  asks  the  cause  of  his  grief  and  Prabos 
finally  confesses  that  he  suflfers  the  pains  of  Love.  He  knows 
that  its  consequences  are  grave,  for  Fileno  had  died  for  love  of 
Zefira,  Pelayo  had  been  wounded  by  Cupid,  Bras-Gil  had  suf- 
fered because  of  Beringuella  and  Mingo  for  Pascuala,  and 
Cristino  had  left  the  world  and  donned  a  hermit's  garb  be- 
cause  of  love-sickness.^     The   soldier  sympathetically   offers 

'  The  author  refers  to  plays   familiar  to  an  audience  at  Salamanca, 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA 


55 


good  advice  and  the  shepherd  Pascual  appears.  The  latter 
makes  sport  of  his  companion's  trouble  and  suggests  in  turn  a 
remedy : 

Con  madresilva  y  gamones 
sanaras,  y  malvarisco, 
y  con  rabano  gagisco, 
encienso  macho  y  bayones. 
Flor  de  sago  y  doradilla 
y  manzanilla 
es  muy  chapada  hesica, 
que  no  hay  vesibro  de  villa 
sin  tranquilla ; 
que  ansi  sane  mi  borrica, 
que  andaba  bien  de  tu  suerte 
medio  mustia  y  mangonera. 
Si  aquesto  yo  no  le  hiciera, 
ya  debrocaba  de  muerte.^ 

The  soldier  resents,  however,  the  mocking  tone  of  Pascual  who 
then  asks  rudely  what  is  meant  by  Love.  The  soldier  shows 
himself  well  acquainted  with  the  courtly  ideas  of  the  time  in 
the  subtle  definition  which  he  offers  but  finally  loses  his 
patience  at  the  impertinence  of  Pascual  and  a  sort  of  contrasto 
ensues  in  which  the  shepherd  abuses  the  military  life  and  the 
soldier,  who  here  shows  some  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
braggart  captain,  attacks  pastoral  life.  Prabos  finally  suc- 
ceeds in  making  peace  and  Pascual  goes  in  search  of  Antona, 
Prabos's  sweetheart,  who  after  some  hesitation  accepts  the 
hand  of  the  unhappy  lover.  The  play  ends  with  a  mllancico  in 
praise  of  Love. 

It  must  have  been  composed  after  the  appearance  of  En- 
zina's  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  in  1509  since  reference  is  made 
to  the  unhappy  fate  of  Fileno.  The  mention  of  the  same 
author's  Egloga  de  Cri'stino  y  Febea  does  not  aid  us  in  deter- 

Enzina's  Egloga  de  tres.  pastores  and  Representacion  del  Amor,  his  own 
Comedia    (de   Bras-Gil,    Beringuella   y    Miguel-Turra)    and    Enzina's 
Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea. 
'  Farsas  y  eglogas,  p.  loi. 


56  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

mining  tlie  date  of  composition  as  the  year  in  which  that  play- 
was  tirst  pubHshed  in  by  no  means  certain. 

The  Egloga  de  Torino,  contained  in  the  anonymous  Ques- 
tion dc  Amor,  first  pubhshed  at  Valencia  in  1513,^  forms  a 
connecting  link  between  the  Spanish  and  Italian  pastoral 
drama  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Signor  Croce 
has  shown  that  the  Question  de  amor  is  a  ronian  a  clef,  com- 
posed at  Naples  between  the  years  1508  and  1512,  portraying 
courtly  society  at  that  city,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  Egloga 
de  Torino  was  actually  represented  before  Bona  Sforza  and 
the  other  characters  who  appear  in  the  novel. 

Torino  mourns  because  his  love  for  Benita  (Bona  Sforza) 
is  not  returned.  He  is  unable  to  forget  her  in  spite  of  her 
cruelty  and  blames  Cupid  as  the  cause  of  his  suffering.  After 
bidding  a  tender  farewell  to  his  flock,  his  rebec  and  staff,  he 
attempts  to  take  his  life,  since  only  in  death  can  he  find  relief: 

Mejor  te  seria  del  todo  morir 

que  verte  penando  muriendo  seruir 

do  solo  es  tu  pago  tenerte  aborrido.^ 

The  shepherd  Guillardo  hears  his  groans  and  believing  that 
he  has  been  wounded  by  some  animal,  tries  to  restore  him  to 
consciousness  but  without  success.  In  his  fear  he  summons 
another  shepherd,  named  Quiral,  who  arouses  the  unhappy 
lover  and  asks  the  reason  of  his  laments.     Torino  replies :  ^ 

Siento,  pastores,  el  mal  de  le  muerte 
y  essa  no  llega  por  darme  mas  pena ; 
passion  me  combate,  razon  me  condena, 
dolor  me  fatiga,  tristega  me  aquexa, 
querria  sanar,  querer  no  me  dexa, 
los  males  son  niios,  la  causa  es  agena. 

'  For  the  Question  de  amor,  see  Benedetto  Croce,  Di  un  antico  romanzo 
spagnuolo,  published  in  the  Archivio  per  le  provincie  napolitane,  Vol. 
XIX,  Naples,  1894,  and  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes  de  la  novela,  Vol. 
I,  Madrid,  1905,  pp.  cccxxvii-cccxxxi,  who  also  published  the  Question 
de  amor,  including  the  Egloga  de  Torino,  in  Vol.  II  of  his  Origenes 
de  la  Novela,  Madrid,  1907. 

*  Origenes  de  la  novela,  Vol.  II,  p.  68.  *  Ibid.,  p.  69. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  57 

Quiral  persists  in  learning  the  cause  of  his  pain  and  asks : 

Que  mal  puede  ser  tan  crudo  que  sientas 
lo  mucho  que  duele  y  callas  tu  fatiga? 
Es  mal  dellonbrigo  o  dolor  de  barriga 
que  dices  el  dano  y  la  causa  no  cuentas? 

Torino  replies  that  his  suffering  comes  from  poca  esperanga 
which  is  far  more  severe  than  anything  he  has  mentioned.  His 
friend  finally  understands  that  Torino  is  suffering  from  mal 
d'amorio  and  curses  the  shepherdess  who  has  caused  such 
pain,  but  the  lover  refuses  to  hear  a  single  disparaging  re- 
mark about  his  lady.  Quiral  says  that  he  should  deem  him- 
self fortunate  if  he  loves  Benita,  who  is  endowed  with  all  vir- 
tues: 

siendo  ella  tal,  dime  porque  mueres, 
siendo  tu  llaga  en  si  gloriosa? 

Torino  answers  that  he  will  be  satisfied  if  only  Benita  knows 
the  suffering  she  has  caused. 

Guillardo  is  quite  unable  to  understand  the  subtle  delicacy 
of  the  lover  and  asks  concerning  the  nature  of  this  disease 
which  causes  such  anguish : 

Es  biuora  0  que  o  es  alacran, 

o  es  escorpion,  o  es  basilisco, 

que  yo  oy  dezir  aqui  en  nuestro  aprisco 

que  a  todos  los  mata  los  qu'a  velle  van  ? 

Quiral,  who  is  more  sophisticated,  gives  a  casuistical  definition 
of  Love  which  the  boorish  Guillardo  is  totally  incapable  of 
comprehending. 

Benita  approaches  with  a  lady-in-waiting  and  asks  the  sub- 
ject of  their  discussion.  Torino  tells  her  of  the  grief  which 
her  coldness  causes  him  and  humbly  begs  some  mark  of  favour. 
She  becomes  angry  at  his  persistency  and  bids  him  cease  his 
importunities,  but  the  lover  declares  that  he  is  powerless  to 
banish  her  from  his  thoughts  and  describes  his  undying  affec- 
tion in  this  rhetorical  fashion : 


58  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Assi  que  yo  muero  en  mi  scpultura, 
de  aqui  a  mill  afios  que  vengan  a  ver, 
de  tus  cfigias  se  podran  coger 
tantas  sin  cuento  que  no  haura  mesura, 
y  en  todos  mis  huessos  aura  una  escritura 
que  ya  dend'agora  la  tengo  yo  escrita 
e  dizen  las  letras :  esta  es  Benita, 
la  que  desde  entonces  su  nombre  nos  dura. 

Benita  withdraws  in  anger  and  Torino  declares  that  even 
though  she  leave  him,  his  spirit  is  ever  present  with  her. 
Guillardo  puzzles  over  the  possibility  of  being  in  two  places 
at  the  same  tfme  and  Quiral  urges  Torino  to  be  of  good  cheer 
since  the  glory  acquired  is  in  proportion  to  the  suffering  en- 
dured when  love  is  set  upon  so  worthy  an  object.  The  eclogue 
closes  with  a  villancko  sung  by  the  three  shepherds. 

Although  this  play  was  composed  and  probably  performed 
in  Italy,  it  is  not  likely  to  have  been  derived  from  an  Italian 
original.  It  reproduces  situations  found  in  many  Italian 
eclogues  of  the  time  such  as  the  unhappiness  of  a  shepherd 
caused  by  unrequited  love  and  the  attempt  at  suicide,  but  these 
are  already  present  in  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  of  Enzina 
and  the  opening  scenes  in  these  two  plays  offer  many  similari- 
ties. The  use  of  copies  de  arte  mayor  in  the  Egloga  de  Torino 
is  probably  derived  from  the  above-mentioned  eclogue  of  En- 
zina. It  is  well  known  that  the  burlesque  pastoral  element, 
which  appeared  even  in  Poliziano's  Orfeo,  became  popular  in 
Italy  in  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  with  the  pre- 
decessors of  the  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  of  Siena,  but  we  need 
not  assign  this  element  in  the  Egloga  de  Torino  to  Italian  imi- 
tation since  burlesque  scenes  are  found  in  the  Egloga  de  tres 
pastores  of  Enzina  and  in  the  Contedia  and  Farsa  o  cuasi  com- 
edia  del  soldado  of  Fernandez  which  the  author  of  the  Egloga 
de  Torino  may  have  known  although  they  were  not  printed 
until  1 5 14.  The  only  feature  of  the  Egloga  de  Torino  which 
may  with  certainty  be  ascribed  to  Italian  imitation  is  the  intro- 
duction of  real  persons  as  characters,  a  practice  commonly 
found  in  the  early  Italian  eclogues. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA 


59 


An  anonymous  Egloga  pastoril,  preserved  at  the  Royal 
Library  of  Munich  and  recently  reprinted,^  shows  that  at  an 
early  date  the  plays  of  Enzina  were  known  and  imitated  at 
Valencia.  The  characters  are  five  shepherds,  Juan  Melenudo, 
Peranton,  Gil  Calvo,  Climentejo,  Mossen  Bartholome  and 
Llorente,  a  sorcerer.  The  scene  is  laid  at  Valencia  and  the 
early  part  abounds  in  references  to  contemporary  events.  The 
shepherds  complain  of  the  pestilence  which  has  afflicted  the 
city  and  describe  the  terror  at  the  approach  of  a  Moorish  fleet 
which  has  caused  rich  and  poor  alike  to  abandon  their  homes. 
The  sadness  and  solitude  of  the  present  which  contrasts  so 
vividly  with  the  happiness  of  the  past  inspired  the  author  to 
write  the  best  verses  of  the  play,  which  recall  the  famous 
coplas  of  Jorge  Manrique  :  - 

O  solitaria  que  queda, 

a  segun  era, 
la  tan  poblada  ciudad ! 
Dolor  era  de  mirar 
de  quan  poca  gente  queda  ! 
Que  es  de  tantos  galanes 

principales, 
que  tenias  en  ti,  Valencia? 
Como  te  han  hecho  ausencia, 
touiendo  tan  pocos  males? 
Qu'es  de  tanta  gente  honrrada 

atauiada, 
y  las  damas  festejadas, 
tan  vestidas  y  arreadas 
que  no  te  ha  quedado  nada? 

Peranton  declares  that  all  their  troubles  were  the  conse- 
quence of  their  own  sins  and  that  conditions  would  have  been 

*  By  Dr.  Eugen  Kohler,  Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  Dres- 
den, 191 1,  and  by  Urban  Cronan,  Teatro  espanol  del  siglo  XVI,  Mad- 
rid, 1913.     I  have  used  the  text  of  the  latter  edition. 

'  Henri  Merimee,  L'Art  Dramatique  a  Valencia,  dcpuis  les  engines 
jusqu'au  commencement  du  xvii^  siecle,  Bibl.  Meridionale,  2«  Serie, 
Tome  XVI,  Toulouse,  1913,  p.  106. 


6o  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

still  worse,  had  it  not  been  for  the  intervention  of  the  Virgin 
and  of  San  X'icente  Ferrer,  the  Patron  Saint  of  the  city.  The 
shepherds  then  begin  to  discuss  their  personal  affairs  and  Per- 
anton  and  Juan  relate  the  cruel  treatment  that  they  have  re- 
ceived from  tlie  shepherdesses  on  whom  their  hearts  were 
fixed.  Still  greater  is  the  anguish  of  Qimentejo  when  he 
learns  that  his  betrothed,  Jimena  de  Hontorio,  has  married 
another  shepherd  and  in  his  grief  he  determines  to  put  an  end 
to  his  life: 

Dexame,  quiero  morir, 

por  salir 
de  tan  asperas  f  atigas  ! 
no  me  den  gachas  ni  migas, 
que  no  lo  puedo  sufrir.^ 

Juan  asks  him  concerning  his  ill : 

Qu'es  esto?  Tienes  calambre, 

o  qual  landre 
de  las  que  corrian  ogano, 
que  muestras  tan  gran  desmayo, 
que  as  cuydado  espantarme? 

He  begs  his  friend  not  to  die  until  he  has  confessed  his  sins 
and  then  suggests  that  the  encantador  Llorente  be  called  in 
to  heal  Climentejo  of  his  wound.  The  hapless  lover  finally 
consents  and  Llorente  appears  who  boasts  of  his  powers  in 
necromancy  and  pronounces  a  weird  incantation  ^  over  the  dis- 
appointed suitor.  The  znllancico  Avhich  ends  the  play  an- 
nounces the  cure  of  the  lover. 

The  play  has  neither  unity  nor  well  developed  plot.  The 
references  to  the  epidemic  and  threatened  visit  of  a  Moorish 
fleet  point  to  the  end  of  15 19  or  early  part  of  the  year  1520 
as  the  date  of  composition.^     It  was  probably  performed  to 

1 11.  691-95. 

',His  repertory  in  magic  is  as  extensive  as  that  of  the  clerigo  negro- 
mante  in  Gil  Vicente's  Exhortagdo  da  guerra   (1513). 
'  Kohler,  ibid.,  p.  175. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  ^i 

celebrate  the  recent  escape  of  the  city  of  Valencia  from  the 
dangers  that  threatened  it  and  the  pastoral  element  was  intro- 
duced in  imitation  of  Enzina's  eclogues.  The  moralizing  ele- 
ment which  is  so  evident  in  the  early  part  probably  indicates 
that  the  author  was  a  cleric.  It  is  particularly  significant  that 
this  play,  performed  at  Valencia,  should  have  been  composed 
in  the  so-called  sayagues  dialect,  employed  by  Enzina  in  most 
of  his  plays.  The  suicide  theme  appears  to  be  a  parody  of 
the  unhappy  experiences  of  Fileno  and  Vitoriano  in  Enzina's 
last  play.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  earliest  extant  ex- 
ample of  the  Valencian  drama  borrowed  its  form,  character, 
language  and  versification  from  Castile. 

The  Egloga  niieva,  attributed  to  Diego  Duran,  and  preserved 
in  an  undated  edition  at  the  Royal  Library  of  Munich,^  pre- 
sents the  traditional  reqiiesta  de  amor  theme  with  certain 
variations.  A  shepherdess  appears,  complaining  that  her  flock 
is  lost,  and  is  accosted  by  a  hermit  who  says  that  for  love  of 
her  he  detests  the  monastery,  and  invites  her  to  accompany 
him  to  his  hermitage.  She  can  scarcely  find  words  to  ex- 
press her  contempt  for  him,  but  he  replies : ' 

A  los  sanctos  religiosos 
que  hazen  obra  diuina, 
captiua  amor  mas  ayna 
con  sus  tiros  poderosos. 

The  hypocrite's  courtship  is  interrupted  by  the  arrival 
of  a  tafify-vender  who  threatens  to  punish  the  hermit  for 
his  infamous  design.  In  her  despair,  the  maiden  calls  upon 
the  Virgin  for  aid,  but  the  vender  offers  his  protection.  A 
quarrel  is  only  averted  by  the  intervention  of  the  shepherdess 
and  finally  the  vender  suggests  a  game,  the  stakes  of  which 

1  It  has  been  recently  reprinted  by  Kohler,  Sieben  spanische  drama- 
tische  Eklogen,  Dresden,  191 1,  and  by  Cronan,  Teatro  espaiiol  del  siglo 
XVI,  Madrid,  1913.  Kohler,  ibid.,  p.  176,  gives  the  arguments  in  favor 
of  ascribing  this  play  to  Diego  Duran. 

2  11.  75-78. 


62  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

sliall  be  the  alms  which  the  hermit  has  received.  The  latter 
agrees  and  wins  all  the  money  of  the  vender,  who  then  re- 
fuses to  pay  his  debt.  Again  they  abuse  one  another  and  the 
shepherdess  again  prevents  them  from  coming  to  blows.  The 
vender  withdraws  in  discomfiture  and  the  hermit  tries  to  ab- 
duct the  maiden  by  main  force,  but  is  prevented  by  the  ar- 
rival of  a  friar  who  indignantly  asks  what  he  is  doing  alone 
with  a  woman.  These  two  illustrious  representatives  of  the 
Church  then  insult  each  other  while  the  frair  attempts  to  carry 
off  the  girl  himself  in  order  to  protect  her  from  the  hermit. 
Failing  in  this,  he  hastens  away  to  report  the  case  to  the  Prior 
and  a  shepherd  enters  who  charges  the  hermit  with  having  at- 
tempted to  seduce  the  maiden  and  calls  his  companion  Gil. 
We  naturally  expect  the  hermit  to  receive  a  punishment  com- 
mensurate with  his  offense,  but  strangely  enough,  after  a  few 
words  of  abuse,  Gil  suggests  a  game : 

Con  que  ayamos  alegria, 
que  oy  me  paresce  dia 
con  que  gasajo  tomeys. 

They  agree  to  play  the  game,  "  Do  posa  la  mariposa,"  which 
is  described  in  detail  and  ends  with  the  complete  discomfiture 
of  the  hermit  By  this  time,  apparently,  his  offense  is  entirely 
forgotten.  The  four  characters  sit  down  together  to  eat  and 
drink,  and  the  play  ends  with  a  dance  and  a  villancico  be- 
ginning : 

Oy,  que  es  dia  de  plazer, 
tomemos  gran  gasajado, 
por  quitar  nuestro  cuydado ! 

which  indicates  that  it  was  performed  on  Shrove  Tuesday. 

The  basis  of  the  play  is  the  reqiiesta  de  amores  theme,  in 
which  other  characters  besides  shepherds  take  part.  The 
characteristics  ascribed  to  the  hermit  and  friar  show  the  lati- 
tude which  was  permitted  in  Spain  in  the  early  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century  in  the  satire  of  the  Religious  Orders.     The 


PASTORAL  PLA  YS  AFTER  ENZINA 


63 


author  was  undoubtedly  a  Castilian  and  the  reference  to  the 
"  barrio  del  Rey,"  ^  seems  to  indicate  that  it  was  performed 
at  Madrid.  The  original  edition  is  undated,  but  its  primitive 
character  allows  us  to  conjecture  that  it  was  probably  com- 
posed before  1520.- 

The  Egloga  nuevamente  compuesta  of  Juan  de  Paris,  the 
earliest  known  edition  of  which  bears  the  date  1536,^  shows 
the  influence  of  Enzina's  Cristino  y  Fehea  and  Placida  y 
Vitoriano,  with  certain  additions  derived  from  the  morality 
plays.  A  hermit  appears  who  declares  that  life  is  full  of 
trials  and  prays  to  God  to  guard  him  from  temptation.  He 
meets  the  knight  Estacio  who  inveighs  against  the  cruelty  of 
Cupid.  His  lady,  Numida,  has  disappeared,  and  in  despair 
he  seeks  her  over  hill  and  valley,  charging  the  god  of  Love 
with  having  ill  recompensed  his  long  service.  He  recounts 
at  length  the  woes  caused  in  ancient  times  by  Cupid  and  deter- 
mines to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  The  hermit  comes  from  his 
place  of  concealment  and  reproaches  him  for  the  violence  of 
his  passion  in  words  which  recall  the  advice  of  the  Nurse  to 
Phaedra  in  Seneca's  Hippolytus :  * 

No  deues  pensar  ques  dios  el  amor, 
segun  que  creyan  los  ciegos  gentiles ; 
mas  mira,  seiior,  por  modos  sutiles, 
su  diffinicion,  ques  mucho  mejor : 
amor  es  tristeza ;  amor  es  error, 
que  los  coraqones  abrasa  y  los  ciega, 
y  es  vna  llama  quel  demonio  pega 
a  las  entranas  del  nueuo  amador.^ 

1  L.  141. 

»  See  Kohler,  ibid.,  pp.  178-79. 

'  The  edition  of  1551,  preserved  at  the  Royal  Library  of  Munich,  was 
reprinted  by  Kohler,  Sieben  spanische  dramatische  Eklogen,  Dresden, 
1911.  The  1536  edition,  preserved  at  the  National  Library  of  Madrid, 
has  been  reprinted  by  Cronan,  Teatro  espaTiol  del  siglo  XVI,  Madrid, 
1913.    Quotations  in  the  text  are  taken  from  the  latter  edition. 

*  11.  195-201. 

"11.  153-160. 


^4  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

With  the  argument  used  by  Ovid  in  his  Remedia  amoris,^  he 
tries  to  prove  to  the  lover  that  he  must  banish  all  thoughts  of 
Love  at  once  from  his  heart : 

A  este,  si  damos  pequena  cabida, 
no  resistiendo  a  la  entrada  primera, 
despues  se  acrecienta  por  vna  manera 
que  nunca  mas  puede  hallar  la  salida; 
assi  como  el  arbol,  sin  fuerga  crecida, 
estando  muy  tierno  lo  arrancaras, 
mas  desque  bien  crece,  arrancar  no  podras ; 
assi  es  la  costumbre  por  este  tenida.^ 

The  knight  begs  the  hermit  to  aid  him  in  his  trouble  and  the 
hermit  replies  that  Naso  offers  many  remedies  against  the 
ills  of  Love,  the  chief  one  of  which  is  to  avoid  idleness  which 
led  Aegisthus  into  sin  ^  and  caused  suffering  to  countless  per- 
sons. He  urges  Estacio  to  banish  love  from  his  thoughts  by 
devoting  himself  to  the  service  of  God,  the  knight  consents 
and  they  set  out  together  toward  the  hermitage. 

The  devil  enters  who  accuses  God  of  depriving  him  of  the 
souls  of  men  which  belong  to  him  and  determines  to  seek 
Numida  and  re-unite  the  lovers  so  that  Estacio  will  return  to 
the  world.  As  he  withdraws  to  carry  out  his  project,  the 
shepherd  Vicente  appears,  thoroughly  frightened  at  having 
caught  a  glimpse  of  the  devil.  He  hides  behind  some  bushes 
and  Numida  draws  near,  praying  that  Cupid  may  allow  her 
to  find  her  lover.  She  sees  Vicente  in  his  hiding-place  ai\d 
asks  him  whether  he  has  seen  Estacio.  The  shepherd  has  not 
yet  recovered  from  his  fright  and  exclaims : 

Aun  si  es  el  diabro  aqueste  cramor, 
defiendame  Dios  y  sancto  Tomas ! 
arriedro  te  vayas,  o  mal  Satanas !  * 

1  11.  81-88. 

2  11.  161-68. 

'Remedia  amor  is,  11.  161 -162. 
<  11.  297-299. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  65 

The  lady  bids  him  have  no  fear  and  V  icente,  seeing  with  whom 
he  has  to  deal,  compliments  her  on  her  beauty  and  asks  the 
cause  of  her  sorrow : 

mas  dizme,  senora,  por  que  inconuiniente 
estades  llorando  con  huertes  passiones? 
tenes  mal  de  madre,  dolor  de  rifiones, 
0  quigas  del  bago,  tambien  de  la  f rente? 
O  estays  emprenada  de  mala  manera, 
y  estays  en  puntillos  de  auer  de  parir? 
y  si  es  desta  guisa,  deueyslo  dezir ; 
yre  yo  corriendo  a  llamar  la  partera.^ 

She  explains  the  cause  of  her  grief  in  figurative  language 
which  the  shepherd  is  entirely  unable  to  understand,  but  when 
he  learns  that  she  mourns  the  absence  of  her  lover,  he  pro- 
poses himself  as  a  substitute,  boasting  of  his  prowess  and 
promising  all  sorts  of  simple  gifts.  She  refuses  to  listen  to 
his  proposals  and  Vicente  summons  his  companion  Cremon 
who  may  be  able  to  ofifer  advice.  When  the  latter  learns  the 
condition  of  affairs,  he  declares  that  he  is  not  surprised  that 
Numida  has  refused  the  homely  Vicente,  but  that  she  will 
surely  accept  himself.  This  leads  to  a  dispute  between  the  two 
shepherds  who  are  on  the  point  of  coming  to  blows  when  they 
are  reconciled  by  the  maiden.  Vicente  then  tells  her  that  a 
hermit  lives  in  the  neighbourhood  who  may  be  able  to  inform 
her  of  the  whereabouts  of  her  lover.  When  they  reach  the 
hermitage,  the  hermit  calls  Estacio  and  the  lovers  offer  thanks 
to  God  and  Cupid  who  have  re-united  them.  One  glance  at 
his  lady  suffices  to  cure  the  knight  of  all  desire  to  embrace 
the  religious  life : 

Agora  reniego  de  mala  fraylia ; 

ni  quiero  hermitafio  ni  frayle  mas  ser.^ 

The  hermit  urges  that  the  marriage  ceremony  be  performed 
at  once.     Estacio  objects  that  a  wedding  in  the  wilderness  is 

1 11.  309-316.  2 11.  537-38. 


66  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

not  befitting  liis  lady,  but  Cremon  will  brook  no  delay  and  per- 
forms a  comic  ceremony  which  includes  the  blessing  of  his 
donkey  as  well  as  his  own.  The  hermit  invites  Estacio  and 
Numida  to  spend  the  night  in  his  hut  but  Vicente  objects,  im- 
puting dishonourable  intentions  to  the  holy  man.  The  play 
ends  with  a  villancico  beginning: 

Huyainos  de  ser  vasallos 

del  amor, 

pues  por  preinio  da  dolor. 

The  play  contains  a  number  of  elements  with  which  we  are 
already  familiar.  The  search  of  Estacio  and  Numida  for  one 
another  recalls  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano  of  Enzina^ 
and  the  same  author's  Egloga  de  Cristino  y  Febea  probably 
suggested  the  scene  in  which  the  unhappy  lover  embraces  the 
religious  life  and  then  is  led  to  return  to  the  world  by  the 
sight  of  his  lady.  The  coplas  de  arte  mayor  in  which  the  play- 
is  composed  recall  Enzina's  Egloga  de  tres  pastorcs.  The 
courtship  of  Numida  by  two  shepherds  who  are  unable  to 
understand  her  delicate  feelings  is  found  in  Fernandez's  Farsa 
0  cuasi  comedian  The  character  of  the  devil  is  doubtless  de- 
rived from  the  religious  plays  in  which  comic  scenes  frequently 
occur  between  that  character  and  the  Bobo. 

Of  the  five  Spanish  eclogues  of  the  Portuguese  poet,  Sa  de 
Miranda,  only  two  appear  to  have  been  written  for  representa- 
tion, Alejo  and  Epitalamio.-     The  first  of  these  was  composed 

*  For  the  relation  of  this  play  to  earlier  works,  see  Kohler,  ibid.,  i86- 
i88.  I  am  unable  to  find  any  connection  between  this  farce  of  Juan  de 
Paris  and  the  plays  of  Torres  Naharro,  as  Dr.  Kohler  claims. 

'  I  have  used  the  excellent  edition  of  the  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sd 
de  Miranda,  by  Senhora  Carolina  Michaelis  de  Vasconcellos,  Halle, 
1885,  which  contains  the  most  trustworthy  account  of  the  poet's  life 
and  literary  activity.  The  other  Spanish  eclogues  of  Miranda,  Celia, 
Andres  and  Nenwroso,  were  probably  not  recited.  The  learned  editor 
of  Miranda,  p.  834,  states  that  the  Egloga  Nemoroso  was  sent  to  An- 
tonio Pereira  at  Court,  "  onde  seria  representada  para  dar  gosto  ao 
Infante  (D.  Luiz)."     In  my  opinion,  the  very  nature  of  this  composi- 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  67 

about  the  year  1532,  or  at  all  events  some  time  between  his  re- 
turn from  Italy  and  his  retirement  from  Court,  and  was  prob- 
ably recited  in  the  presence  of  the  King.*  The  eclogue  is 
written  in  the  traditional  redondilhas,  but  Miranda  shows 
that  his  acquaintance  with  Italian  poetry  has  borne  fruit  by 
the  insertion  of  a  canfao  of  entirely  new  form  '^  and  by  the  use 
of  four  stanzas  of  ottava  rima,  the  first  examples  of  this  metre 
used  in  Portugal. 

The  young  shepherd  Alejo  appears,  a  prey  to  some  strange 
disease.  He  knows  not  whether  it  be  Love  or  madness  which 
makes  him  forget  his  sheep  and  his  songs.  A  vague  uneasi- 
ness allows  him  no  peace.  He  lies  down  beside  a  spring  and 
falls  asleep.  His  foster-father,  the  old  shepherd  Sancho  en- 
ters, calling  in  vain  for  the  wayward  boy  who  has  forgotten 
the  tender  care  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  him.  The  old 
man  continues  his  search  and  a  nymph  draws  near  to  the  sleep- 
ing youth.  She  casts  loving  glances  upon  him  as  she  bids  him 
rest,  and  then  enchants  the  spring,  singing  in  praise  of  the  all- 
powerful  god  of  Love.  Alejo  awakes.  He  had  dreamed  that 
he  was  in  a  dark  wilderness  and  that  someone  had  called  him 
by  name,  but  he  refuses  to  heed  the  summons,  preferring  to 
follow  the  guidance  of  Love.  He  drinks  from  the  enchanted 
waters,  loses  his  senses  and  disappears. 

tion,  written  in  1537  to  celebrate  the  memory  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
precludes  the  idea  of  representation.  I  expect  to  study  elsewhere  the 
Spanish  non-dramatic  pastoral  eclogues. 

*  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sa  de  Miranda,  p.  766.  It  was  also  pre- 
sented at  the  house  of  Antonio  Pereira  about  the  year  1553.  See  ibid., 
p.  847. 

'  He  replaces  the  eight  lines  of  the  conventional  arte  maior  by  hen- 
decasyllables  and  inserts  a  septenario  italiano  in  the  middle  of  each 
stanza.  In  five  of  the  ten  strophes,  the  last  line  is  repeated  as  the 
first  lin*  of  the  stanza  following,  an  artifice  employed  in  earlier  Por- 
tuguese poetry  and  first  used  in  the  Italian  eclogue  by  Francesco 
Arsocchi,  and  a  little  later  by  Sannazaro  in  the  second  eclogue  of  the 
Arcadia,  11.  81-100.  See  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sa  de  Miranda,  p. 
cxiv,  and  Michele  Scherillo's  edition  of  the  Arcadia  di  Jacobo  Sanna- 
zaro, Torino,  1888,  pp.  ccxviii-ccxxii. 


68  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Two  shepherds,  Anton  and  Juan,  enter,  lamenting  the  ab- 
sence of  Riljero  ^  and  alluding  covertly  to  his  retirement  from 
Court.  They  recall  a  caufao  on  the  cruelty  of  Love  which 
the  absent  poet  had  once  sung  and  which  they  recite  in  alternate 
strophes."  Their  song  is  overheard  by  Toribio  who  is  asked 
by  Anton  how  he  had  liked  "  el  cantar  nuestro  estranjero." 
Toribio  is  cautious  in  expressing  approval  of  this  new  form 
of  verse  and  Juan  himself  realizes  the  difficulty  of  introducing 
foreign  fashions  into  a  country  where  tradition  has  so  much 
weight.^ 

Andar  contra  la  costumbre 
es  nadar  contra  la  vena. 
Forzado  es  que  se  deslumbre 
atinque  tenga  buena  lena 
i  mas  en  tierra  do  tanto 
el  USD  vale. 

Si  alguno  del  hilo  sale, 
encomiende  se  a  buen  santo ! 

Toribio  then  sings  two  songs  in  the  traditional  style,  which 
are  highly  praised  by  his  companions,  and  Juan  declares  in 
his  admiration :  * 

Si  miichos  tales  pastores 
huviese  por  la  montana, 
no  se  irian  los  loores 
todos  pera  tierra  estrana. 

'  The  reference  is  to  Bemardim  Ribeiro,  a  friend  of  Miranda  and 
author  of  the  famous  Menina  e  moga.  For  a  discussion  of  the  interpre- 
tation of  this  passage,  see  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sa  de  Miranda,  pp. 
767-770. 

*  Juan  says  of  this  composition: 

Fue  (sabes)   de  estrana  parte 
donde  un  tiempo  ambos  andamos, 

thus   proving   that   Ribeiro,    as   well   as   Juan    (Miranda),    had   visited 
Italy.  It  does  not  follow  that  Ribeiro  had  written  in  the  Italian  man- 
ner.   See  Guimaraes,  Bemardim  Ribeiro,  Lisboa,  1908,  pp.  114-15. 
3  11.  592-599- 

*  II.  678-685. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  6q 

Aqui  buenos  naturales 
suele  haver, 

mas  vezos  sin  aprender 
nos  danan  nuestros  zagales. 

Juan,  who  is  Miranda  himself,  consents  to  sing  a  "  cantar 
estranjero  "  and  tells  of  his  delight  on  becoming  acquainted 
with  the  Italian  forms  of  verse  while  in  Italy :  ^ 

Con  deseo  de  ver  tierras, 
huve  de  pasar  los  puertos; 
puse  me  a  las  blancas  sierras, 
rios  del  hielo  cubiertos. 
Alia  que  pastores  vi ! 
Quan  enseiiados 
a  cantar  versos  rimados ! 
Que  plazer  que  ende  senti ! 

Vino  un  dia  un  viejo  cano, 
convidamos  lo  a  cantar, 
tomo  la  zampona  en  mano, 
toco,  bolvio  la  a  posar. 
Todos,  sobre  todo  io 
deseando 

de  oir  mas,  i  porfiando, 
el  buen  viejo  asi  canto. 

The  song  consists  of  four  stanzas  of  oitava  rima  on  the  cruelty 
of  Cupid.  Judging  from  the  manner  in  which  the  verses  are 
introduced,  and  from  Juan's  comment  on  a  song  by  Anton  ^ 
that  it  "  was  not  stolen  like  mine,"  we  may  believe  that  these 
octaves  were  translated  or  imitated  from  one  of  the  Italian 
poets  with  whom  Miranda  became  acquainted  in  Italy,  but  I 
have  not  succeeded  in  finding  the  original. 

The  shepherd  Pelaio  enters,  declaring  that  there  is  a  mad 
youth  in  the  neighborhood  who  goes  about  composing  verses. 
When  Alejo  appears,  complaining  of  his  suffering,  the  shep- 
herds comment  on  his  unhappy  condition,  and  when  they  dis- 
cover that  he  is  tormented  by  "  mal  de  amores,"  Pelaio  sug- 

1 11.  710-725.  2 1.  835. 


70  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

gests  that  tliey  call  a  clerk  to  exorcise  him.  The  shepherds 
then  drink  from  the  enchanted  spring  and  they  too  are  en- 
kindled by  the  fire  of  Love. 

In  his  description  of  the  love-madness  of  Alejo,  Miranda 
may  have  been  indebted  to  Enzina,  Fernandez  or  the  anony- 
mous Egloga  de  Torino,  although  the  same  incident  is  found 
in  many  of  the  early  Italian  eclogues.  To  this  conventional 
theme  he  added  the  charming  episode  of  the  enchantment  of 
the  youth  by  a  nymph,  derived  from  Theocritus.  Aside  from 
the  beauty  of  the  verse,  the  importance  of  this  eclogue  in  the 
literary  history  of  Portugal  can  scarcely  be  overestimated 
since  it  represents  the  first  attempt  to  introduce  the  Italian 
ottava  rima  into  the  poet's  ov^^n  country,  although  he  was  not 
yet  ready  to  write  the  new  measure  in  his  native  language. 
Miranda  opened  a  brilliant  period  for  Portuguese  literature 
which  reached  its  culminating  point  in  Camoens. 

The  only  other  Spanish  eclogue  of  Miranda  which  appears 
to  have  been  recited  is  the  Egloga  Epitalamio,  written  shortly 
after  1535  at  the  Quinta  da  Tapada  and  directed  to  Antonio 
de  Sa  in  honor  of  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Camila  de 
Sa  ^  with  Joao  Rodriguez  de  Sa.  It  is  composed  in  tercetos, 
the  metre  most  frequently  employed  in  the  Italian  eclogues, 
and  contains  also  two  carifoes  a  maneira  toscana  with  the  rime 
scheme  abc  abc  cdeedff  and  eight  stanzas  of  oitavas  rimas  with 
an  estrihilho  at  the  end  of  each.  The  interlocutors  are  two 
shepherds,  Nuno  and  Toribio  and  the  eclogue  is  brought  to  a 
close  by  a  chorus  of  shepherds  and  shepherdesses. 

Nuno  almost  fails  to  recognize  his  friend  Toribio  who  seems 
to  be  afflicted  by  some  strange  malady.  He  discovers,  how- 
ever, that  the  unhappy  man  is  a  victim  of  love's  torments  and 
gives  him  salutary  advice,  derived  for  the  most  part  from 
Ovid's  Remedia  amoris,  so  frequently  employed  by  the  poets 
on  such  occasions.  When  Toribio  confesses  his  helpless  state, 
Xuiio  upbraids  him  for  his  weakness,  but  the  love-sick  shep- 
herd refuses  to  heed  the  prudent  counsel.     Nuno  then  tells 

*  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sa  de  Miranda,  p.  752. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  EN ZIN A  71 

him  that  one  day  Ribero  had  sung  of  the  evils  of  Love  and 
Gil  ^  had  extolled  its  blessings  to  a  company  of  shepherds. 
Nuno  repeats  these  cangoes  and  at  the  close  a  chorus  of  shep- 
herds and  shepherdesses  sings  an  epithalamium,  imitated  from 
Catullus,-  each  stanza  of  which  ends  with  an  estrihilho  of  two 
lines  in  honor  of  the  family  of  Sa  to  which  both  bride  and 
groom  belonged. 

Sa,  Sa,  por  aire,  tierra  i  mar  resuena 
en  comiin  alegria  i  buena  estrena. 

It  is  true  that  these  two  eclogues  treat  conventional  themes 
and  that  they  show  no  advance  in  dramatic  construction  as 
compared  with  the  plays  of  Enzina,  but  the  spirit  in  which 
they  are  conceived  represents  the  progress  made  by  Spanish 
poetry  between  the  years  151 3  and  1535.  Enzina  knew 
Vergil,  but  his  paraphrase  of  the  Eclogues  shows  that  he  was 
interested  chiefly  in  their  content  rather  than  in  their  form. 
The  influence  of  Italian  literature  upon  his  work  is  purely 
superficial.  He  is  by  far  the  most  important  of  the  poets 
whose  verses  were  collected  in  the  Cancionero  general,  but 
not  because  his  attitude  toward  life  or  literature  differed  from 
theirs.  Miranda,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a  dift'erent  ideal  of 
art  from  the  poets  represented  in  the  Cancionelro  geral  de 
Resende.  His  classical  studies  had  imbued  him  with  an  ap- 
preciation for  form  and  when  his  intellectual  curiosity  led 
him  to  visit  Italy,  he  not  only  assimilated  the  new  artistic 
conceptions  of  the  Renaissance,  but  also  felt  obliged  to  ex- 
press these  new  ideas  after  the  fashion  of  his  Italian  friends. 
His  literary  education  was  completed  by  a  Spaniard,  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega.^ 

'  The  identity  of  Gil  is  not  known. 

*  Compare  especially  the  first  stanza  of  Miranda,  11.  476-483,  with 
Catullus,  LXII,  21-24. 

'  On  the  relations  of  Miranda  and  Garcilasso  see  Senhora  Michaelis 
de  Vasconcellos's  notes  in  the  Poesias  de  Francisco  de  Sd  de  Miranda, 
pp.  831-38. 


72 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


We  have  already  seen  that  reahstic  scenes  of  pastoral 
life  were  introduced  into  the  courtly  pastoral  by  Enzina 
and  Fernandez.  The  Spaniard,  with  his  innate  love  of 
realism,  doubtless  found  ridiculous  the  exaggerated  ex- 
pression of  the  suffering  caused  by  unrequited  love  which 
leads  to  death  and  which  was  borrowed  from  a  foreign 
source.  In  Italy  also,  a  realistic  note  makes  its  appearance 
in  the  character  of  Tirsi  in  Poliziano's  Orfeo  and  from  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  popular  plays  were  pro- 
duced at  Siena  and  frequently  performed  at  Rome,  in  many 
of  which  the  purpose  of  the  authors  to  burlesque  conventional 
pastoral  themes  is  evident.^  One  of  the  most  interesting  of 
these  Italian  popular  plays  is  Niccolo  Campani's  //  Coltellino  ^ 
(1520),  which  is  a  manifest  parody  of  a  play  of  the  same  type 
as  Enzina's  Egloga  de  tres  pastorcs.  Many  plays  of  this  kind 
were  produced  in  Italy  in  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  especially  by  the  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  of  Siena. ^  In 
most  of  the  Spanish  pastoral  plays,  the  burlesque  element  is 
only  incidental.  Only  in  the  Farsa  de  la  hechicera  of  Diego 
Sanchez  de  Badajoz  do  we  find  a  play  which  may  be  consid- 
ered primarily  a  parody  of  pastoral  themes.* 

A  gallant  appears,  complaining  that  all  his  efforts  to  win  the 
love  of  his  sweetheart  are  futile  and  that  nothing  remains  for 
him  but  death  : '" 

'  On  the  development  of  the  pocsia  rusticana  in  Italy,  see  Enrico  Car- 
rara, La  poesia  pastorale,  Milano,  1909,  pp.  225-241. 

*  //  Coltellitio  has  been  reprinted  in  the  collection  entitled  Poesie 
drammatiche  rusticali,  edited  by  Ferrario,  Milano,  1812. 

'  For  the  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  see  C.  Mazzi,  La  Congrega  dei  Rozzi 
di  Siena  nel  secolo  XVI,  2  vols.,  Firenze,  1882. 

*  This  play  is  included  in  the  collection  of  his  works  entitled  Recopi- 
lacion  en  metro,  published  by  his  nephew  in  1554  and  reprinted  at  Mad- 
rid, 1882-1886  in  Vols.  XI-XII  of  the  Libros  de  antaiio.  The  Farsa  de 
la  hechicera  is  published  in  Vol.  XII  and  references  are  to  this  edition. 
Sanchez  de  Badajoz  was  born  in  Estremadura  and  his  literary  activity 
extended  approximately  from  1525  to  1547. 

'  P.  223. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  73^ 

Pu€s  no  puedo,  con  vivir, 
serville  en  cosa  que  acierte, 
quierole  ofrecer  la  muerte, 
quizas  le  podre  servir. 
Mi  nao  ya  no  navega, 
mi  propio  querer  me  mata, 
mi  vida  muerte  me  trata, 
mi  mano,  porque  la  niega? 
Ya  mi  fin,  en  fin,  se  allega, 
ya  siento  vida  mortal ; 
sal  aca,  cruel  punal, 
y  acaba  vida  tan  ciega. 

He  lays  hold  of  his  dagger  and  is  about  to  strike  himself  when 
a  negress  draws  near  who  embraces  and  kisses  him.  He  re- 
pulses her,  and  on  remaining  alone,  proceeds  to  carry  out  his 
desperate  resolve :  ^ 

Esfuerza,  brazo  cuytado, 

tu  esfuerzo  y  fuerza  nombrada, 

saque  esta  alma  desalmada 

deste  cuerpo  tan  cansado, 

que  viendome  desalmado 

aquella  fiera  leona, 

satisfara  su  persona 

en  verme  asi  maltratado. 

Thrusting  his  dagger  in  his  body,  with  as  little  success  as  Berna 
in  //  Coltellino,  he  exclaims :  ^ 

Triste  de  mi,  que  no  acierto, 
las  fuerzas  se  me  enflaquecen, 
los  ojos  se  me  escurecen, 
de  todo  bien  soy  desierto : 
O  si  con  mi  desconcierto 
pudiesse  mirar  sin  vida, 
si  se  torna  por  servida 
en  verme  del  todo  muerto! 
O  que  terrible  pasion ! 
O  mi  alma,  donde  estas? 

»  P.  225. 

*  Pp.  225-26. 


^4  THE  SPAXISII  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Sal,  sal  y  satisfaras 
aquella  dulce  vision. 
Cubreseme  el  corazon : 
ay !  ay !  ay  !  que  me  desmayo, 
triste  de  mi,  que  me  cayo ! 
O  que  crudo  galardon ! 

A  shepherd  enters  who  seeing  the  prostrate  form,  tries  to 
revive  him  and  makes  ridiculous  conjectures  concerning  the 
cause  of  his  illness.  Finding  his  efforts  to  restore  him  to 
consciousness  unavailing,  he  places  a  string  of  garlic  in  the 
unhappy  man's  mouth  and  hastens  off  in  search  of  the  witch 
(candelera)  "  que  sabe  de  nial  de  ombrigo."  She  asks  the 
lover  the  cause  of  his  illness  and  he  replies :  ^ 

Mi  mal  no  tien  redencion ; 
en  mi  corazon  se  sella 
tal  herida  de  diamante, 
y  de  mano  tan  pujante 
que  no  cumple  sanar  della. 

He  extolls  in  exaggerated  language  the  charms  of  his  beloved 
and  the  witch,  seeing  that  his  case  is  serious,  makes  a  circle  on 
the  ground,  scatters  grain  in  the  form  of  a  cross  and  begins 
her  conjuration  which  will  inflame  with  love  the  cold  heart 
of  his  lady:  ^ 

Sea  luego  aqui  conmigo 
Fapesmo  y  Baraliton, 
Dario  Ferio  y  gran  Pluton, 
que  es  el  mayor  enemigo ; 
traya,  invisible,  consigo 
al  lujurioso  Asmodeo, 
para  que  cumpla  el  deseo 
en  su  amiga  de  este  amigo. 
Saquemela  de  su  cama, 
trayala  aqui  engarrafada, 
hagala  venir  penada 
encendida  en  viva  llama ; 

'  P.  230. 
'  Pp.  233-34. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  75 

hagala  de  onesta  dama, 
desonesta  y  lujuriosa, 
tan  sucia  como  hermosa, 
torne  en  disfama  su  fama. 
Sieguela  del  corazon, 
hagala  muy  atrevida, 
no  espere  a  ser  requerida, 
venzase  de  su  pasion. 
No  se  sujete  a  razon, 
no  tenga  temor  ni  freno, 
no  escuche  consejo  bueno 
contra  su  ciega  opinion. ^ 

A  devil  appears  in  response  to  the  summons  and  he  is  sent  off 
to  re-unite  the  lovers  while  the  shepherd,  very  much  frightened 
at  his  appearance,  takes  refuge  with  the  old  woman  inside  the 
magic  circle.  He  is  finally  carried  off  to  prison  by  the  magis- 
trate on  a  false  accusation  of  the  witch  and  the  spectator,  or 
reader,  remains  in  doubt  as  to  the  fate  of  the  unhappy  knight. 

The  laments  of  the  melancholy  lover  recall  those  of  Fileno 
and  Torino  as  they  prepared  to  end  their  days  because  of  un- 
requited aft'ection.  The  attempts  at  suicide  in  the  early  Italian 
and  Spanish  eclogues  were  preceded  by  a  long  and  often  tire- 
some recital  of  the  suffering  of  the  unhappy  lover  which  re- 
minds us  of  Tafano's  comment  on  Berna  in  //  Coltellino  as  he 
tries  to  muster  up  courage  to  stab  himself, 

Chi  vuol  morir  non  fa  tante  parole. 

It  was  this  element  which  is  burlesqued  in  the  Farsa  de  la 
hechicera,  and  to  this  is  added  the  inability  of  the  rude  shep- 
herd to  understand  the  cause  of  the  lover's  pain,  which  we 
have  found  in  the  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano  of  Encina, 
the  Egloga  de  Torino  and  in  other  early  Spanish  plays. 

'  The  incantation  is  a  common  bucolic  theme,  found  in  the  second 
Idyl  of  Theocritus,  the  second  Bucolic  of  Vergil  and  Ninth  Prose  of 
the  Arcadia.  We  find  it  in  Spanish  in  the  anonymous  Egloga  pastoril, 
see  p.  60,  and  in  Avendafio's  Comedia  Florisea.  For  this  jargon,  how- 
ever, we  need  not  seek  for  classical  sources,  it  is  merely  a  comic  repro- 
duction of  the  ensahnos  pronounced  by  the  village  encantadores. 


76 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


The  conventional  requesta  de  amorcs  theme  is  treated  in 
Diego  de  Negueruela's  Farsa  llamada  Ardamisa.^  Ardamisa 
appears,  lamenting  that  her  lover  Galirano  has  abandoned  her 
because  of  her  own  indifference,  and  calling  upon  death  to 
ease  her  pain.  She  rejects  indignantly  the  brutal  proposals 
of  a  water-carrier  (aguador)  and  the  ridiculous  pretensions  of 
an  enamoured  Portuguese.  The  latter  is  driven  away  by  a 
bragging  swashbuckler,  who  offers  her  his  protection  in 
pompous  phrases,  boasting  of  the  exploits  which  he  has  al- 
ready performed :  ^ 

O  mi  €spada ! 
si  lengua  te  fuesse  dada, 
como  darias  fama  eterna 
dc  la  gran  honra  ganada 
del  brago  que  te  gouierna  ! 


Las  hazafias 
y  marauillas  estrarlas 
de  mis  fuergas  indomestas, 
a  las  brutas  alimanas 
aun  les  son  ya  manifiestas. 

Si  mandays, 
porque  mas  me  conozcays, 
si  mi  nombre  hos  he  celado 
yo  quiero  que  lo  sepays, 
que  por  nombre  soy  llamado 

Fierotrasso, 
aquel  es  que  a  cada  passo 
haze  los  hombres  pedagos, 
el  que  por  montes  y  rasos 
haze  carne  con  sus  bragos. 


This  illustrious  descendant  of  Pyrgopolinices,  however,  does 
not  offer  his  protection  disinterestedly  for  he  threatens  to  gain 
possession  of  the  lady  by  violent  means.  In  her  terror,  Arda- 
misa calls  upon  Galirano  for  aid  and  the  lover  appears  in 
the  very  nick  of  time.     She  describes  to  him  how  Fierotrasso 

'  Reprinted  from  an  undated  edition,  by  Leo  Rouanet  in  the  Biblio- 
theca  hispanica,  Madrid,  1900. 
2  11.  580^4. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA 


77 


had  threatened  to  kill  her  and  the  bully  tries  to  intimidate 
Galirano,  but  no  sooner  does  the  latter  touch  him  than  the 
braggart  falls  to  the  ground,  exclaiming :  ^ 

Ay,  ay,  ay !  que  soy  muerto ! 
L-redo  in  Deuin,  valame  Dios ! 

Ardamisa  rejoices  at  the  painful  experiences  which  she  has 
suffered  since  at  last  she  has  again  met  her  lover.  Galirano 
tries  to  inquire  the  road  to  the  nearest  town  from  a  shepherd 
who  appears  at  that  moment,  but  the  latter  is  afraid  to  draw 
near  and  is  unable  to  understand  the  plight  of  the  lovers. 
They  then  debate  the  question  so  often  discussed  in  the  early 
pastorals,  whether  shepherds  feel  the  pains  of  love  the  same 
as  the  palacicgos.  A  friar  then  accosts  them  who  introduces 
himself  as  follows :  ^ 

A  mi  llaman  fray  Artendo, 

maestro  en  sacra  theologia, 

gran  letrado, 

qu'en  Paris  fuy  graduado 

de  maestro,  mi  sefior, 

y  tanto  he  trabajado 

que  soy  gran  sermonador. 

He  preaches  the  lovers  a  sermon  to  prove  that  the  salvation 
of  their  souls  is  endangered  by  their  passion  for  one  another. 
He  suggests  that  Galirano  enter  a  monastery  and  offers  to 
conduct  the  lady  to  a  place  of  safety  himself.  The  shepherd, 
however,  has  no  confidence  in  the  promises  of  friars  and 
exclaims :  ^ 

Do  a  huego  tal  religioso ! 
Senor,  no  confieys  en  el ; 
no  veys  como  esta  rauioso 
por  lleuarsela  con  el? 

Ardamisa  and  Galirano  withdraw  and  the  friar  finds  the 

1 11.  701-702.  2 11  985-991. 

*11.  1118-1121. 


78  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

prostrate  braggart  who  proves  to  be  only  badly  frightened. 
The  friar  can  not  resist  the  temptation  to  preach  to  iiim  on 
the  error  of  his  ways  and  learns  from  him  how  he  had  been 
worsted  in  his  encounter  with  Galirano.  They  plan  to  abduct 
the  lady,  the  friar  stipulating  that  he  can  not  take  part  in  such 
a  heinous  project  unless  he  gains  possession  of  Ardamisa 
himself.  The  Portuguese  also  enters  into  the  conspiracy  and 
they  threaten  the  shepherd  with  death  unless  he  will  guide 
them  to  the  house  where  the  lovers  have  sought  refuge.  He 
consents  to  this  and  as  the  conspirators  stand  before  the  door, 
Ardamisa  and  Galirano  come  forth,  bid  farewell  to  the  audi- 
ence and  the  play  ends  with  a  sword  dance. 

The  treatment  of  the  requesta  dc  amores  theme  in  this  play 
recalls  Fernandez's  Farsa  o  c'ua^i  comedia  and  especially  the 
Egloga  nueva  of  Diego  Duran,  in  both  of  which  a  lady  in 
search  of  her  lover  is  exposed  to  insulting  proposals.  It  was 
a  simple  matter  to  add  other  characters  such  as  the  Portuguese 
and  rufidn,  stock  figures  in  sixteenth-century  comedy.  The 
gipsy  fortune  teller  adds  a  bit  of  local  colour  and  the  shame- 
less friar  who  appears  in  so  many  plays  of  this  period  indi- 
cates the  popular  attitude  toward  the  Religious  Orders.  This 
play,  however,  is  by  no  means  popular  in  spirit  and  was  prob- 
ably performed  before  an  aristocratic  audience.  The  senti- 
ments expressed  by  Galirano  and  Ardamisa  are  couched  in  the 
courtly  manner  and  the  fact  that  the  shepherd  is  represented 
as  a  clown  is  sufficient  evidence  that  the  play  was  not  designed 
for  a  popular  performance. 

We  know  nothing  of  the  author,  Diego  de  Negueruela. 
The  only  early  edition  bears  no  date  and  its  recent  editor  con- 
jectures that  it  was  printed  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  at  the  latest  shortly  after  1550.  Judging  from  its 
primitive  character,  we  may  not  be  far  wrong  in  assigning  its 
composition  to  about  the  year  1530. 

The  requesta  de  amores  theme  treated  d  lo  divino  is  found 
in  the  Coplas  de  una  doncella  y  un  pastor.^     A  maiden  appears, 

'  Reprinted  by  Gallardo,  Ensayo  dc  una  hiblioteca  espanola  de  libros 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  70 

complaining  of  her  unhappy  lot  and  desirous  of  death.  She 
meets  a  shepherd  who  asks  her  where  she  is  going  and  when 
she  declares  that  she  wishes  to  remain  alone,  he  tells  her  to 
beware  of  the  wild  man  (saivaje)  : 

Que  si  viene  y  lo  oteais, 
no  es  mucho  que  cayais 
en  el  suelo  amodorrida ! 
y  aun  si  viene  de  corrida 
y  en  aqueste  valle  os  toma, 
no  fuera  mucho  que  os  coma 
antes  que  halleis  guardia. 

She  replies  that  she  hopes  he  will  come  and  put  an  end  to  her 
suffering.  The  shepherd  retires  and  comes  back  dressed  in. 
his  best  clothes  and  is  more  astonished  than  before  that  she 
refuses  to  listen  to  his  proposals.  His  courtship  is  interrupted 
by  the  arrival  of  the  wild  man  and  the  shepherd  takes  to  his 
heels. 

Contrary  to  our  expectations,  the  wild  man  proves  to  be  very 
tame.  He  tells  her  that  only  in  solitude  can  one  hnd  relief 
from  the  troubles  of  life  and  advises  her  to  go  to  a  hermitage 
near  by,  where  she  may  consecrate  herself  to  the  Virgin,  She 
gladly  consents  and  the  shepherd  agrees  to  show  them  the  way, 
after  much  hesitation,  for  he  is  still  frightened  at  the  appear- 
ance of  the  wild  man.  The  hermit  urges  them  to  free  them- 
selves of  all  worldly  thoughts  and  the  maiden,  the  wild  man 
and  the  shepherd  fall  on  their  knees  and  pray  to  the  Virgin, 

The  beginning  of  this  play  resembles  Fernandez's  Farsa  0 
cuasi  corncdia,  the  Egloga  nueva  of  Duran  and  the  Farsa  Ar- 
damisa,  and  it  is  evident  that  we  have  to  do  here  with  a  re- 
ligious treatment  of  the  same  theme.  The  saivaje  is  probably 
derived  from  earlier  popular  satyr  plays. ^ 

raros  y  curiosos,  Vol.  I,  Madrid,  1863,  cols.  703-711,  from  an  edition  of 
1604.  Salva,  Catdlogo,  vol.  i,  p.  420,  mentions  an  edition  published 
about  the  year  1530  and  ascribes  the  play  to  a  certain  Eugenio  Alberto. 
Moratin  mentions  an  edition  of  1540.  I  have  used  the  reprint  of  Gal- 
lardo. 

*  See  F.  Neri.  La  maschcra  del  selvaggio,  an  article  published  in  the 
Giornale  storico  dcUa  letteratura  italiatia,  Vol.  LIX,  1912,  pp.  47-68. 


go  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

A  more  ambitious  treatment  of  conventional  pastoral  motives 
than  hitherto  attempted  is  found  in  the  Coniedia  Florisea  of 
Francisco  de  Avendano/  first  published  in  1551,  the  earliest 
Spanish  play  which  we  possess  divided  into  three  jornadas. 
After  a  comic  prologue  in  rustic  style,  which  seems  to  be  an 
imitation  of  the  prologue  to  Torres  Naharro's  Comedia 
Trofea,^  a  knight  bearing  the  ominous  name  of  Muerto  ap- 
pears, railing  at  the  cruelty  of  Fortune  which  has  brought  him 
to  poverty  and  sorrow  in  his  old  age.  His  servant  Listino 
urges  him  to  bear  adversity  with  stoical  spirit  since  Fortune's 
wheel  is  neyer  stable  and  mankind  is  subject  to  various  vicissi- 
tudes of  fate.  The  gentleman,  however,  turns  a  deaf  ear  to 
this  salutary  advice  and  declares  that  death  alone  can  free  him 
from  his  misery.  Listino,  evidently  recalling  the  advice  of 
Cardonio  to  Fileno  in  somewhat  similar  circumstances,^  re- 
minds him  that  such  a  course  will  endanger  his  soul's  salva- 
tion and  adduces  theological  and  philosophical  arguments  to 
prove  his  point.  Muerto  pretends  to  be  convinced  by  this 
advice  and  sends  Listino  to  a  monastery  nearby  to  ask  for  his 
admission,  promising  to  do  himself  no  harm  while  his  page 
is  absent."*  Listino,  however,  doubts  his  master's  sincerity 
and  hides  close  by  in  order  to  prevent,  if  possible,  any  harm 
from  befalling  him. 

When  Muerto  remains  alone,  he  determines  to  carry  out  his 
design  and  with  a  prayer  for  mercy  on  his  lips  is  about  to  put 
an  end  to  his  life  when  Floriseo  rushes  forward  and  asks  the 
cause  of  his  sorrow  which  has  led  him  to  contemplate  suicide. 
Muerto  replies  that  he  has  been  reduced  from  prosperity  to 
low  estate  and  that  nothing  remains  for  him  but  death.  On 
hearing  this,  Floriseo  exclaims :  ^ 

*  Reprinted  by  Sr.  Bonilla  y  San  Martin  in  the  Revue  Hispanique, 
Vol.  XXVII,  1912. 

"  Bonilla  y  San  Martin,  Revue  Hispanique,  Vol.  XXVIl,  p.  399. 

'  Enzina's  Egloga  de  trcs  pastor es,  Tcatro  completo,  p.  215. 

*  Vitoriano  makes  a  similar  promise  to  Suplicio  in  Enzina's  Egloga 
de  Placida  y  Vitoriano,  Teatro  completo,  p.  325. 

*  11.  654-68. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  gl 

O  cuytados ! 
por  dios  que  somos  topados 
dos  hombres  tan  sin  ventura, 
que  jamas  forjo  natura 
otros  dos  mas  lastimados.^ 

He  further  explains  that  his  heart  is  consumed  with  love  of 
a  maiden  whom  he  seeks  in  vain  and  they  determine  to  end 
their  lives  together.  At  this  point  Listino  intervenes,  remind- 
ing them  of  the  Divine  command  against  self-destruction,  but 
his  arguments  are  unheeded  and  he  withdraws. 

Floriseo  reviles  Cupid  for  his  treachery  in  terms  which  re- 
call the  laments  of  Fileno  and  Vitoriano,  and  Muerto  inveighs 
against  the  cruelty  of  Fortune.  They  confess  their  sins  in 
preparation  for  death,  but  the  double  suicide  is  again  prevented 
by  the  arrival  of  the  shepherd  Salauer  who  makes  sport  of 
them.  He  asks  Muerto  and  Floriseo  the  cause  of  their  trouble, 
and  the  latter  replies :  - 

esto  yo  abrasado 
de  la  llama  de  Cupido. 

Salauer  is  unable  to  understand  this  figurative  language  and 
answers : 

como  OS  quemays?  por  mi  amor, 
pues  no  ay  lumbre  no  es  possibre.' 

Floriseo  tries  to  explain  that  Love  is  the  source  of  his  pain 
but  the  shepherd  is  not  interested  and  invites  them  to  sit  down 
in  the  shade  and  rest. 

In  the  second  Jornada,  the  maiden  Blancaflor  appears,  la- 
menting that  Love  has  made  her  more  miserable  than  Polixena, 
Progne,  Philomena,  Bethsabe  or  Dido,  since  Floriseo  is  lost  in 
the  mountains  through  love  of  her.     She  meets  Listino  who, 

1  This  incident  recalls  Tansillo's  Due  Pellegrini. 

2  11.  1057-58. 

'As  we  have  seen,  incidents  of  this  kind  are  found  in  a  number  of 
early  Spanish  plays. 


82  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

in  reply  to  her  questions,  tells  her  that  he  has  just  left  two 
gentlemen  who  contemplated  suicide,  one  because  of  Fortune's 
cruelty  and  the  other  because  of  unrequited  love  and  that  the 
lattcr's  name  was  Floriseo.  He  offers  to  guide  her  to  the 
spot  in  order  that  their  bodies  may  at  least  be  recovered  if 
they  have  carried  out  their  sinister  purpose.  Listino,  however, 
starts  off  alone  and  the  maiden  is  accosted  by  the  simple 
Salauer  who  asks  why  she  risks  her  life  by  wandering  alone  in 
the  wilderness,  exposed  to  many  dangers.  When  she  explains 
that  she  seeks  her  lover,  he  urges,  as  in  Fernandez's  Farsa  o 
cuasi  comcdjia,  that  she  accept  him  as  a  substitute.  Muerto 
then  appears  who  also  suggests  that  in  his  company  she  may 
be  able  to  forget  the  object  of  her  search  but  she  indignantly 
rejects  this  unworthy  proposal.  At  this  point  Floriseo  ap- 
pears and  the  lovers  are  reunited  after  their  long  separation. 

In  the  third  Jornada,  Fortuna  appears,  boasting  of  her 
limitless  power.  She  is  seen  by  Salauer  who,  thoroughly 
frightened,  summons  Pedruelo,  the  encantador,  to  protect 
them  from  the  monster.  Pedruelo  pronounces  a  comic  in- 
cantation, but  Fortuna  declares  that  all  their  efforts  to  resist 
her  are  unavailing  and  reveals  her  identity.  Salauer  and 
Pedruelo  then  assail  her  for  all  the  ills  she  has  brought  upon 
them  until  Muerto  bids  them  be  silent  and  prepare  for  the 
wedding.  Salauer  assumes  the  role  of  priest,  as  in  the  Egloga 
of  Juan  de  Paris,  and  performs  a  comic  ceremony,  uniting 
Floriseo  and  Blancaflor.  Fortuna  presents  the  couple  with 
a  wedding  present  of  one  thousand  ducats  and  promises  to 
provide  bountifully  for  Muerto.     The  play  ends  with  a  song. 

Sr.  Bonilla  says  in  the  introduction  to  his  reprint '  that  the 
Comedia  Florisea  belongs  to  the  school  of  Torres  Naharro.  It 
is  true  that  the  prologue  resembles  that  of  the  Comedia 
Trofca,  that  the  comic  scene  between  the  shepherd  and  Fortuna 
undoubtedly  recalls  the  same  play  and  that  the  division  into 
jornadas  is  derived  from  Naharro.  As  for  the  theme  and 
treatment,  however,  it  is  evident  that  the  author  merely  bor- 

^  Rez'uc  Hispanique,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  392. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA 


83 


rowed  incidents  frequently  found  in  the  earlier  pastoral  drama. 
The  influence  of  Encina's  later  plays  is  most  apparent. 

The  more  formal  type  of  dramatic  eclogue  in  Spain  is  rep- 
resented by  the  Comedia  Tibalda  of  Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon,  first 
published  in  1553  with  the  title,  Comedia  de  Preteo  y  Tibaldo 
llamada  disputa  y  remedio  de  amor  en  la  qual  se  tratan  subfiles 
sentencias  por  quatro  pastores:  Hilario,  Preteo,  Tibaldo, 
Griseno  y  dos  pastoras,  Polindra  y  Belawra.  In  the  prologue 
to  this  edition,  which  was  later  reprinted  at  X'alladolid,  Luis 
Hurtado  de  Toledo  says  that  he  had  procured  a  copy  of  the 
play  which  had  neither  been  corrected  nor  completed  because 
of  the  author's  death,  and  that  he  had  added  what  in  his 
opinion  was  lacking,  modestly  excusing  himself  for  the  im- 
perfections of  his  own  work  when  compared  with  the  original. 
A  fortunate  discovery  by  Senor  Bonilla  y  San  Martin  of  a 
manuscript  containing  the  original  version  of  Per  Alvarez  de 
Ayllon,  entitled  Comedia  Tibalda,  allows  us  to  determine  the 
extent  of  the  additions  made  by  Luis  Hurtado  de  Toledo.^ 

The  date  of  composition  of  the  Comedia  Tibalda  is  not 
known.  Inasmuch  as  certain  verses  of  Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon 
are  included  in  the  151 1  edition  of  the  Cancionero  General  of 
Hernando  del  Castillo,  we  are  justified  in  ascribing  the  play  to 
a  much  earlier  date  than  that  of  its  publication  by  Hurtado  de 
Toledo.  It  is  written  in  octaves  of  arte  mayor,  the  metre 
used  by  Juan  del  Enzina  in  his  Egloga  de  tres  pastores,  with 
which  it  also  offers  striking  similarities  in  subject  matter. 

The  argument  of  the  Comedia  Tibalda  is  in  brief  as  follows. 
The  mournful  shepherd  Tibaldo  inveighs  against  the  cruelty 
of  Love  because  his  sweetheart  Polindra  has  forsaken  him 
and  has  married  the  old  but  wealthy  shepherd  Griseno.  His 
friend  Preteo  reproves  him  for  his  excessive  grief  and  sug- 
gests prudent  means  by  which  he  may  banish  the  girl  from  his 

'  Sr.  Bonilla  has  republished  the  Comedia  Tibalda,  using  the  variants 
of  the  second  edition  of  Valladolid,  together  with  the  additions  of 
Hurtado  de  Toledo  in  the  Bibliotheca  hispauica,  Madrid,  1903.  All 
references  are  to  this  edition. 


84 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


thoughts.  Tibaldo  attempts  to  refute  these  arguments,  alleg- 
ing the  universality  of  Love  which  has  triumphed  over  even 
the  most  powerful,  and  extolling  the  charm  and  grace  of 
Polindra.  Preteo  then  expatiates  at  length  on  the  imperfec- 
tions of  women,  to  which  Tibaldo  replies  with  theological  and 
sophistical  arguments  to  prove  the  superiority  of  woman  over 
man,  citing  examples  of  the  illustrious  and  virtuous  women  of 
the  past.  The  dispute  is  interrupted  by  the  appearance  of  the 
shepherdess  herself  who  is  obliged  to  listen  to  Tibaldo's  insult- 
ing remarks  concerning  the  age  and  bodily  defects  of  her 
husband.  At  this  point  Griseno  appears  who  resents  the  jibes 
of  Tibaldo,  but  Polindra  and  Preteo  finally  effect  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  the  husband  and  the  rejected  suitor. 

Hurtado  de  Toledo  was  dissatisfied  with  this  ending  and 
added  about  twenty-eight  stanzas  to  the  original  play.  Tibaldo 
declares  that  his  love  for  Polindra  was  dictated  solely  by  rea- 
son and  that  he  had  blamed  her  for  making  an  unequal  match. 
The  husband  is  so  impressed  by  Tibaldo's  appeal  that  he  bids 
Polindra  heal  the  wound  which  she  has  caused.  The  disap- 
pointed lover,  not  to  be  outdone  in  generosity,  declares  that 
he  has  been  cured  of  his  grief  by  his  rival's  kind  words  and  the 
play  ends  with  a  song. 

In  the  Comedia  Tibalda,  which  is  merely  a  literary  exercise 
and  was  certainly  not  designed  for  representation,  the  pastoral 
element  is  merely  used  as  a  vehicle  for  the  discussion  of  two 
themes  which  are  frequently  met  with  in  Spanish  literature 
of  the  early  sixteenth  century,  the  remedies  for  the  illness  of 
Love  and  the  question  of  the  imperfections  of  woman.  It  was 
because  Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon  was  primarily  interested  in  the 
development  of  these  subjects  that  Hurtado  de  Toledo  consid- 
ered the  play  unfinished  and  deemed  it  necessary  to  add  another 
denouement  which  is  even  less  satisfactory  to  us  than  that  of 
the  original  version. 

The  theme  of  the  omnipotence  of  Love,  which  forms  the 
basis  of  a  large  part  of  the  courtly  lyric  poetry  of  the  fifteenth 
and  early  sixteenth  centuries,  is  frequently  found  associated 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  85 

with  its  corollary,  the  remedies  against  the  pains  of  Love.^  The 
Ars  amatoria,  Remcdia  amoris  and  other  works  of  Ovid  were 
the  chief  sources  from  which  these  ideas  were  derived.-  In 
Enzina's  Egloga  de  Placida  y  Vitoriano,  Suplicio  counsels  Vi- 
toriano  to  cure  himself  of  his  passion  for  Placida  by  love  for 
another  lady  and  cites  examples  from  classical  antiquity  in 
which  this  course  has  proved  successful,  closely  following  the 
advice  by  Ovid  in  the  Remedia  amoris.^  Likewise  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  hermit  to  the  love-sick  Estacio  in  the  farsa 
of  Juan  de  Paris  are  taken  from  the  same  source  and  Naso  is 
expressly  mentioned  as  the  authority.*  The  influence  of  Ovid's 
Remedia  amoris  is  still  more  clearly  shown  in  the  Co)iiedia 
Tibulda,  for  Preteo  follows  this  work  almost  literally  in  the 
advice  which  he  gives  to  Tibaldo  to  banish  Love  from  his 
thoughts. 

Great  ills  come  from  trifling  causes,  he  tells  him,  and  delay 
in  the  cure  is  fatal,'  just  as  a  tree  is  easily  uprooted  only  when 
young ;  *  avoid  idleness  which  is  the  source  of  all  the  suffer- 
ings of  Love;  ^  devote  yourself  to  games;  attend  to  your  fields 
and  vineyards ;  ^  find  pleasure  in  hunting  and  fishing;  ^  if  these 

'  These  themes  are  found  in  a  number  of  iSpanish  non-dramatic 
eclogues  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 

*  Professor  (Rudolph  Schevill  in  his  interesting  monograph,  Ovid 
and  the  Reymscence  in  Spain,  University  of  California  Publications  in 
Modern  Philology,  vol.  iv,  1913,  has  shown  the  continuity  of  the  Ovid 
tradition  in  Spain  throughout  the  medieval  and  Renaissance  periods. 

'  Teatro  completo  de  Juan  del  Encina,  p.  273,  and  Remedia  amoris, 
11.  452-460. 

*  See  p.  64. 

"^  11.  161-68  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  95-98. 

« 11.  169-176  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  81-88. 

■^  11.  409-416  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  135-144. 

*•  11.  433-440  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  169-198. 

»11.  441-512  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  190-210.  This  recalls  the  advice 
given  to  the  love-sick  Clonico  by  Eugenic  in  the  Eighth  Eclogue  of 
Sannazaro's  Arcadia.  Sylvano  gives  similar  counsel  to  the  unhappy 
Hyrcano  in  Seraphino  Aquilano's  third  eclogue.  Opere  dello  elegantis- 
simo  poeta  Seraphino  Aquilano,  Vinezia,  1557,  p.  59. 


86  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

diversions  afford  you  no  relief,  enter  the  army,  for  one  form 
of  warfare  is  conquered  by  another;  your  sorrow  will  be  re- 
lieved by  travel ;  ^  your  departure  will  be  sorrowful  but  victory 
lies  in  flight ;  -  be  firm  in  your  resolve  not  to  return ;  *  when 
your  grief  is  greatest,  feign  that  your  thoughts  are  fixed  on 
another  lady  and  try  to  imagine  that  Polindra  is  devoid  of 
charm.'*  Preteo  concludes  by  promising  to  find  for  him  a 
shepherdess  more  attractive  than  Polindra.^ 

The  formal  debate  between  I'reteo  and  Tibaldo  regarding  the 
relative  imperfections  of  women  treats  a  theme  which  was  ex- 
ceedingly popular  in  Spain  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  cen- 
turies. Professor  Arturo  Farinelli  has  shown  in  an  interest- 
ing article  *  that  //  Corbaccio  of  Boccaccio  was  the  chief  arsenal 
from  which  the  detractors  of  women  drew  their  weapons, 
while  the  same  author's  De  claris  uiulieribus  furnished  the  de- 
fense which  the  friends  of  the  fair  sex  employed.  This  con- 
trasto  made  its  first  appearance  in  the  Spanish  drama  in  the 
Egloga  de  tres  pastores  of  Enzina,^  in  which  the  arguments 
pro  and  con  are  derived  from  these  two  works  of  Boccaccio.^ 

In   the    Coinedia    Tibalda,    Preteo   attempts   to   relieve   his 

1  11.  521-528  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  213-214. 

2  11.  529-536  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  215-216. 
*11.  545-552  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  241-248. 

*  11-  553-576  and  Remedia  amoris,  11.  299  fF. 

*  In  like  manner,  in  Encina's  Egloga  de  Placida  y  J'itoriano,  Suplicio 
suggests  Flugencia  to  Vitoriano  as  a  counter-irritant  for  his  passion 
for  Placida. 

^  Note  suIla  fortuna  del  Corbaccio  nella  Spagna  medievale,  published 
in  Bausteine  cur  romanischen  Philologie,  Festgabe  fur  Adolf 0  Mussafia, 
Halle,  1905. 

'■  See  p.  32. 

'  The  same  debate  is  used  as  an  introduction  to  Diego  Sanchez  de 
Badajoz's  Farsa  del  matrimonio  (1530)  and  is  the  subject  of  the  third 
part  of  the  Colloquio  pastoril  of  Antonio  de  Torquemada,  published 
by  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes  de  la  novela,  vol.  ii,  Madrid,  1907. 
See  also  an  article,  Antifemviinismo  medievale,  by  Carlo  Pascal,  pub- 
lished in  a  volume  entitled  Poesia  latina  mediez'ale,  Catania,  1907. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  g? 

friend's  suffering  by  attacking  women,  charging  them  with 
cruelty,  avarice,  insincerity,  fickleness,  discourtesy,  treachery 
and  all  other  faults  and  vices.  The  influence  of  the  Corhaccio 
is  evident,  but  I  have  found  few  cases  of  texttial  agreement. 
Tibaldo  then  undertakes  an  inordinately  long  defense  of  women 
in  the  course  of  which  he  marshals  various  theological  and 
scholastic  reasons  to  prove  his  case.  In  this  discussion,  the 
author  did  little  more  than  versify  certain  of  the  arguments 
employed  by  Juan  Rodriguez  del  Padron  in  his  Triwifo  de  las 
donas. ^  A  comparison  of  the  two  texts  not  only  serves  to  show 
the  indebtedness  of  Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon,  but  also  makes  clear 
certain  passages  in  the  Comedia  Tibalda. 

Tibaldo  adduces  the  following  reasons  to  prove  the  super- 
iority of  woman  over  man.  Woman  was  created  after  man ;  ^ 
Eve  did  not  lose  her  innocence  until  after  Adam  had  eaten  the 
forbidden  fruit ;  ^  man  sinned  knowingly  while  woman  was 
deceived ;  ■*  God  first  created  the  body  and  then  the  soul,  in 
the  creation  of  woman  he  made  an  end  to  all  his  works ;  ^  man 
was  created  from  clay  and  woman  from  perfect  flesh ; "  woman 
was  created  in  Paradise  while  man  was  created  in  the  Damas- 
cene field ; '  the  superiority  of  woman  is  shown  in  her  beauty 

'  Obras  de  Juan  Rodriguez  de  la  Cdinara  (6  del  Padron).  Edited  by 
Sr.  Paz  y  Melia,  Madrid,  MDCGCLXXXIV. 

*  Tibalda,  11.  1012-16  and  Padron,  first  argument,  p.  88. 

'  Tibalda,  11.  1017-24  and  Padron,  thirteenth  argument,  p.  91. 

*  Tibalda,  11.  1025-32  and  Padron,  twelfth  argument,  p.  91. 

*  Tibalda,  11.  1033-40  and  Padron,  first  argument,  pp.  88-89. 

*  Tibalda,  11.  1041-48  and  Padron,  third  argument,  p.  89.  Professor 
Karl  Pietsch  mentions  this  passage  of  Rodriguez  del  Padron  and  adds 
some  interesting  parallels  in  an  article  entitled  Notes  on  Spanish 
Folklore,  Modern  Philology,  vol.  v,  1907,  pp.  98-100. 

'''  Tibalda,  11.  1049-56  and  Padron,  second  argument,  p.  89.  Line  1052 
of  the  Comedia  Tibalda  should  read:  y  al  honbre  crio  en  el  campo 
damas(;eno,  not  aniasfeno.  Pietsch,  ibid.,  p.  99,  gives  a  number  of 
examples  in  which  the  ager  darnascenus  is  spoken  of  as  the  birthplace 
of  Adam.  Pulci,  however,  in  his  Morgan te  Maggiore,  Canto  XXV, 
stanza  28,  speaks  of  "  il  campo  Amascen  "'  as  the  birthplace  of  Adam. 


88  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

and  wisdom ;  ^  women  invented  many  useful  arts  while  homi- 
cide and  theft  are  derived  from  men ;  -  God  was  insulted  and 
crucified  by  men  and  was  mourned  by  women ;  ^  Christianity 
was  persecuted  by  men  and  defended  by  women ;  *  the  female 
eagle  is  far  superior  to  the  male  and  all  virtues  are  born  in 
women.'  Tibaldo  then  cites  as  additional  proof  a  long  list  of 
famous  women  of  antiquity,  almost  all  of  whom  are  eulogized 
in  similar  terms  in  Boccaccio's  De  Claris  mulieribus. 

Luis  Hurtado  de  Toledo  not  only  attempted  to  compose  a 
more  satisfactory  ending  to  the  Comedia  Tibalda,^  but  also 
wrote  a  pastoral  eclogue  entitled  Egloga  Siluiana  del  galardon 
de  amor  which  was  published  at  Valladolid  with  the  second 
edition  of  the  Comedia  Tibalda  (or  Comedia  de  Preteo  y  Ti- 
baldo). The  date  of  this  edition  is  not  known,  but  inasmuch 
as  it  closely  resembles  the  Comedia  Tibalda  in  subject  and  man- 
ner of  treatment,  we  may  ascribe  it  to  a  date  shortly  after  the 
publication  of  Per  Alvarez  de  Ayllon's  eclogue  in  1553. 

The  Egloga  Siliuana,  composed  in  coplas  de  arte  mayor,  is 
an  evident  imitation  of  the  anonymous  Egloga  de  Torino.  Sil- 
bano  inveighs  against  the  cruelty  of  Cupid  who  had  caused  his 
love  for  Silvia  to  be  unrequited.  Like  Fileno,  Torino  and 
many  other  hapless  shepherds,  he  bids  farewell  to  his  staflf,  his 
flock  and  the  beloved  valley  where  he  had  been  smitten  by 
Cupid's  arrow,  and  prepares  to  die. 

In  the  second  act,  the  shepherd  Lascibo  appears,  declaring 
to  his  companion  Quirino  that  neither  the  rich  nor  the  poor 

'  Tibalda,  11.  1057-64  and  Padron,  fifth  argument,  pp.  89-90. 

*  Tibalda,  II.  1079-86  and  Padron,  twenty-first  argument,  pp.  loo-ioi. 

*  Tibalda,  11.   1087-94  and   Padron,   twenty-ninth   and   thirtieth   argu- 
ments, pp.  108-109. 

*  Tibalda,  11.  1095-1102  and  Padron,  arguments  33-36,  pp.  110-112. 

*  Tibalda,  II.  1103-1110  and  Padron,  thirty-seventh  argument,  p.  112. 
•Hurtado  de  Toledo  (iS30?-i59i  ?)  was  also  the  author  of  the  Cortes 

del  casta  amor,  Trecientas  en  defensa  de  ilustres  mujeres,  the  His- 
toria  de  San  Joseph  and  other  works,  and  completed  the  Cortes  de  la 
muerte  of  Micael  de  Carvajal. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  go 

man  is  content  with  his  lot,  but  his  morahzing  is  interrupted 
by  the  sight  of  the  prostrate  Silbano.  Ouirino,  who  recalls 
Guillardo  in  the  Egloga  dc  Torino,  makes  absurd  conjectures 
concerning  the  cause  of  his  illness  or  death,  and  when  the  lover 
is  finally  restored  to  consciousness,  his  companions  are  unable 
to  understand  the  figurative  language  which  he  employs. 

Silbano.     Son  mis  dolores  tan  grandes  y  ciertos, 

que  estando  en  el  fuego  me  tienen  temblando. 

Quirino.     Ni  yo  no  te  entiendo  ni  se  que  te  dizes. 

Tu  tiemblas  con  fuego  y  en  frio  te  abrasas? 

Silbano  tries  to  explain  that  he  is  suffering  the  pangs  of  unre- 
quited love,  but  that  he  glories  in  his  sorrow,  a  distinction  which 
his  ruder  companions  are  unable  to  comprehend. 

In  the  third  act,  Silvia  approaches  and  asks  the  shepherds 
the  subject  of  their  discussion.  Silbano  pleads  for  some  con- 
sideration or  mark  of  favour,  but  the  lady  is  unwilling  to  listen 
to  his  suit  and  his  friends  reproach  him  for  his  folly.  In  the 
fourth  act  Rosedo,  Silvia's  husband,  appears,  expressing  his 
delight  at  the  beauties  of  Nature,  and  while  Silvia,  who  has 
followed  him,  lies  concealed  in  the  bushes,  he  bursts  forth  in  a 
lyrical  address  to  the  dawn  with  something  of  the  fervour  of 
Chantecler  himself.^  Silvia  then  steps  forward  and  accuses 
him  of  infidelity,  in  the  belief  that  he  had  addressed  some  shep- 
herdess. The  unfortunate  Rosedo,  who  thus  pays  the  penalty 
for  early  rising,  has  the  greatest  difficulty  in  persuading  his 
jealous  wife  that  his  sonnet  was  directed  to  Aurora.  At  this 
point  Silbano  appears  and  Rosedo  learns  that  the  shepherd 
has  been  made  miserable  through  love  for  Silvia.  Filled  with 
sympathy  for  the  unhappy  lover,  Rosedo  bids  his  wife  console 
him  for  he  himself  had  experienced  the  pains  of  Love,  but  Sil- 
bano refuses  to  accept  this  unexpected  remedy,  declaring  that 
Rosedo's  generosity  has  freed  his  body  of  all  sensual  thoughts. 

The  Egloga  Siluiana  is  one  of  the  most  insipid  and  worth- 

'  This  was  evidently  suggested  by  the  story  of  Cephalus  and  Procris, 
Ovid,  Metamorphoses,  VIL 


go  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

less  of  the  Spanish  pastorals.  The  first  two  acts,  describing 
the  lover's  unhappy  plight  and  the  mockery  of  his  friends  are 
a  close  imitation  of  the  anonymous  Egloga  de  Torino  and  the 
ridiculous  suggestion  of  Rosedo  that  Silvia  offer  some  mark 
of  favour  to  the  disappointed  suitor  is  derived  from  Hurtado 
de  Toledo's  addition  to  the  Coiiicdia  Tibalda.  The  sentiments 
expressed  are  extremely  artificial,  the  verse  is  halting  and  the 
cause  of  Silvia's  jealousy  is  absurd.  The  author  does  not  op- 
pear  to  have  been  endowed  either  with  a  dramatic  sense  or 
with  poetical  gifts  of  a  very  high  order.  The  nature  of  the 
eclogue  precludes  the  possibility  of  having  been  composed  for 
representation. 

A  better  developed  plot  and  far  more  human  interest  is 
found  in  the  Farfa  a  m-anera  de  tragedia,  the  single  extant  copy 
of  which,  preserved  at  the  British  Museum,^  appeared  at  Va- 
lencia in  the  year  1537.  The  anonymous  author  probably  bor- 
rowed from  Torres  Naharro  the  division  of  the  play  into  five 
acts,  which  he  calls  aiitos. 

After  a  comic  prologue,  including  a  brief  summary  of  the 
argument,  the  shepherd  Torcato  enters,  expressing  his  de- 
light that  he  has  won  the  love  of  Liria.  He  confides  his  secret 
to  his  friend  Roseno  who  is  sceptical  and  refuses  to  believe 
until  he  hears  the  truth  from  Liria  herself.  Torcato  bids  him 
hide  and  promises  that  he  will  be  satisfied  since  he  has  an  en- 
gagement at  that  very  spot  with  his  lady.  The  latter  appears, 
joyful  in  the  certainty  of  her  love  for  Torcato.  She  has  strug- 
gled against  her  growing  passion  but  now  yields  with  delight 
and  even  Nature  seems  to  smile  upon  her  happiness.  Yet  she 
is  timid  when  she  sees  him  and  begs  him  to  act  with  prudence, 
although  affirming  at  the  same  time  her  love.  Her  brother 
Carlino  suspects  their  relations  and  determines  to  lose  no  time 
in  informing  her  husband  Gazardo  who  will  take  her  life  for 
her  infidelity. 

'  This  play  has  recently  been  reprinted  by  Dr.  Hugo  A.  Rennert, 
Revue  Hispanique,  vol.  xxv,  Paris,  191 1,  and  in  a  revised  edition  at 
Valladolid  in  1914. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  91 

The  next  three  acts  show  us  Gazardo.  a  paysan  parvenu, 
who  at  first  pays  httle  attention  to  the  scandal-monger  CarHno 
but  finally  consents  to  set  a  trap  for  the  lovers  in  the  form  of  a 
forged  letter.  This  letter,  purporting  to  be  from  Liria,  is  de- 
livered to  Torcato,  in  which  the  lady  informs  him  that  the 
secret  of  their  relations  has  been  discovered,  that  she  no  longer 
cares  for  him  and  bids  him  to  leave  the  neighborhood.  The 
lover's  joy  is  turned  to  despair,  he  writes  with  his  own  blood 
a  letter  to  Liria  charging  her  with  his  death  and  stabs  him- 
self. Liria  receives  the  missive,  finds  the  body  of  Torcato  and 
with  loud  laments  at  his  death  and  lack  of  faith,  kills  herself 
Gazardo  grieves  over  his  loss  but  Carlino  is  unmoved  by  his 
sister's  death,  declaring  that  it  was  well  deserved. 

The  influence  of  Torres  Naharro  is  evident  in  the  formal 
division  of  the  play  into  five  acts,  and  the  passion  of  two 
lovers,  thwarted  by  the  lady's  brother,  recalls  as  M.  Merimee 
suggests,  the  CoJiiedia  Himenea  of  the  same  author.^  How- 
ever, in  this  portrayal  of  the  tragedy  of  love  we  are  reminded 
at  once  of  the  Egloga  de  tres  pastores  and  Egloga  de  Placida  y 
Vitoriano  of  Enzina.  The  double  suicide  recalls  especially  the 
latter  play  where  a  similar  denouement  is  only  averted  by  the 
kind  offices  of  Venus  and  Mercury.  The  second,  third  and 
fourth  acts  are  far  inferior  to  the  first  and  last.  Carlino  re- 
sembles the  complacent  husband,  cornudo  y  contento,  whom 
we  find  at  a  later  date  in  Lope  de  Rueda's  Tercer  Paso  and  in 
the  character  of  Cornalla  in  Timoneda's  Comedia  llamada  Car- 
melia  (or  Cornelia).  The  opening  scene  has  real  poetic  beauty 
and  the  death  of  Torcato  and  Liria  is  portrayed  with  real  feel- 
ing. In  spite  of  its  evident  defects,  it  is  unquestionably  one 
of  the  best  plays  produced  in  Spain  in  the  first  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Although  the  characters  often  express  them- 
selves in  the  conventional  style  of  the  sentimental  novels  of 
the  day,  the  play  is  interesting  as  one  of  the  first  attempts  to 
introduce  a  real  plot  with  human  interest  into  a  purely  pas- 
toral composition. 

^  L'Art  dramatique  a  Valencia,  p.  125. 


92 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


With  the  triumph  of  Italian  comedy  in  the  second  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  the  imitations  of  the  Propaladia  of  Tor- 
res Naharro,  the  realistic  elements  borrowed  from  the  Celes- 
tina,  and  the  influence  of  classical  and  Italian  tragedy,  the 
Spanish  drama  enlarged  its  scope  and  was  no  longer  content 
to  repeat  the  commonplaces  of  Enzina.  In  the  growing  ten- 
dency toward  a  realistic  portrayal  of  everyday  life  in  comedy 
and  toward  the  heroic  play  in  tragedy,  the  pastoral  play  was 
sure  to  decline.  It  is  true  that  a  number  of  later  plays  such 
as  the  Coloquio  de  Camila  and  Coloquio  de  Tyinbria  retained 
the  pastoral  atmosphere,  but  these  are  derived  from  an  imita- 
tion of  Plautus  or  an  Italian  imitator  of  classical  comedy,  and 
simply  prove  that  the  pastoral  disguise  was  employed  in  obe- 
dience to  a  firmly  established  tradition. 

Lope  de  Vega,  in  the  dedication  of  his  play,  La  Arcadia, 
while  admitting  that  it  owes  something  to  imitation  of  classi- 
cal works,  adds :  "  si  bien  el  uso  de  Espaha  no  admite  las  rus- 
ticas  Bucolicas  de  Teocrito,  antiguamente  imitadas  del  famoso 
poeta  Lope  de  Rueda."  ^  However,  only  two  plays  of  Lope  de 
Kueda  are  extant  which  can  properly  be  classed  as  pastoral 
and  neither  of  these  shows  to  any  great  degree  imitation  of 
the  Greek  poet. 

The  Comedia  llainada  Discordia  y  question  de  Amor,  men- 
tioned by  Baltasar  Gracian  in  his  Agudeza  y  arte  de  ingenio, 
has  recently  been  published  from  an  edition  of  1617  by  Fran- 
cisco R.  de  Uhagon  -  who  conjectures  that  it  was  originally 
printed  at  Valencia  by  Juan  Timoneda.  It  is  not  certain 
that  the  play  is  correctly  ascribed  to  Lope  de  Rueda,  but  if  he 
be  the  author,  it  is  reasonably  sure  that  the  division  into  three 
jornadas  is  the  work  of  some  arrcglador  in  order  to  conform 
to  the  practice  in  vogue  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century. 

The  first  act  treats  a  theme  which  is  also  found  in  the  Auto 

^  Parte  irecena  de  las  comedias  de  Lope  de  Vega,  1620.    The  passage 
is  quoted  by  Cotarelo  y  Mori,  Estudios  de  historia  literaria,  pp.  241-42. 
'  In  the  Rczista  de  Archivos,  vol.  vi,  1902. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  ^^ 

pastoril  portuguez  of  Gil  Vicente  and  in  the  story  related  by 
Selvagia  in  the  first  book  of  Montemayor's  Dimui:  Salucio 
loves  Leonida,  but  she  is  enamoured  of  Pretonio,  who  has  set 
his  affections  upon  Silvia,  who  will  accept  only  the  love  of 
Salucio.  They  all  curse  Love  for  the  trick  he  has  played 
upon  them,  and  finally  determine  to  refer  the  question  to  him 
for  decision.  Wearing  bandages  over  their  eyes,  since  Love 
has  blinded  them,  they  set  out  for  the  interview. 

In  the  second  act,  Cupid  bids  all  true  lovers  gather  beneath 
his  standard,  boasting  of  his  unlimited  power  and  promising 
to  grant  his  favours  in  abundance  to  those  who  faithfully  serve 
him.  He  falls  asleep  and  Diana  and  a  nymph,  Belisa,  appear. 
They  see  the  sleeping  Cupid,  take  his  bow  and  arrow,  and 
then  awaken  him,  asking  why  he  has  ventured  to  trespass  upon 
the  territory  of  the  goddess.  He  replies  that  his  supreme 
power  recognizes  no  restraints  and  declares  to  Diana  that  he 
is  ruler  over  all  mankind  and  of  herself  as  well.  He  weeps 
bitterly  when  he  discovers  that  he  is  disarmed,  but  Diana  offers 
him  no  sympathy  and  declares  that  he  must  pay  for  his  arro- 
gance. With  the  aid  of  Belisa,  she  binds  him  hand  and  foot 
and  places  above  him  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that  no  one 
shall  release  him  under  penalty  of  being  punished  by  Love 
himself.  The  inevitable  bobo  appears  who  makes  fun  of  the 
predicament  in  which  the  little  god  finds  himself  and  Cupid, 
in  despair,  calls  upon  \"enus  for  help  but  is  answered  only  by 
Echo. 

In  the  third  act,  the  unhappy  shepherds  and  shepherdesses 
arrive  at  the  abode  of  Cupid.  When  they  remove  the  bandages 
from  their  eyes,  they  are  amazed  on  seeing  the  god  in  bonds. 
On  Cupid's  promise  to  repay  their  service,  they  release  him  and 
then  read  the  inscription :  ^ 

Preso  como  veys  assi 
Castidad  dexo  al  Amor 
por  aleuoso  y  traydor, 
quien  le  quitare  de  aqui 
que  muera  desamor. 

1  P.  .'52. 


94 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


Cupid,  however,  counsels  them  to  have  no  fear  and  bids  them 
relate  the  cause  of  their  sorrow.  Salucio  explains  that  the  love 
of  each  is  unrequited  and  urges  him  to  change  the  object  of 
tneir  afifections.  Cupid  promises  to  comply  in  return  for  the 
service  tliat  tliey  have  rendered  him,  and  asks :  ^ 

qual  quereys  que  mude  aqui, 
las  pastoras,  o  pastores? 

The  shepherds  claim  that  since  a  lover's  affection  must  be  con- 
stant, Leonida  and  Silvia  should  yield,  while  the  maidens  de- 
clare that  sinc,e  there  is  no  truer  love  than  that  of  a  woman, 
Salucio  and  Petronio  should  change.  The  question  is  dis- 
cussed at  length  until  Cupid,  unable  to  reach  a  conclusion 
satisfactory  to  all  parties,  brings  the  dispute  to  a  close  by 
saying : 

Estaos  con  vuestras  passiones 
hasta  que  el  tiempo  os  ayude 
a  niudar  las  aficiones : 
y  pues  en  los  coracjones 
padeceys  mortales  penas, 
quiero  con  estas  cadenas 
meteros  en  mis  prisiones. 

The  threat  of  Diana  is  thus  fulfilled.  It  will  be  seen  that  here 
the  defeat  of  Cupid  by  Chastity  is  added  to  the  theme  of  love 
unrequited  in  two  or  more  couples. 

This  ingenious  arrangement  of  unhappy  lovers  is  found  in 
the  introduction  to  Gil  Vicente's  Auto  pastoril  portuguez,  rep- 
resented before  King  John  the  Third  on  Christmas  Eve,  1523. 
This  deals  with  the  love  affairs  of  three  shepherds  and  three 
shepherdesses,  each  of  whom  meets  only  with  rebuffs  from 
the  object  of  his  or  her  love.  Joanne  loves  Catalina,  who  has 
lost  her  heart  to  Fernando,  who  is  enamoured  of  Maclanella, 
who  has  set  her  affections  upon  Affonso.  who  adores  Inez, 
who  idolizes  Joanne.  Each  expresses  his  grief  on  finding  his 
or  her  love  unreturned  :'  ^ 

'  P.  353- 

'  Ohras  de  Gil  Vicente,  Coimbra,  1907,  vol.  i,  p.  32. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA 


95 


Joanne. 

Oh    Catalina ! 

Catalina. 

Oh  Fernando ! 

Fernando. 

Oh  Madanella! 

Madanella. 

Oh  Affonso ! 

Oh  quando,  quando 

me  quereras  algum  bem ! 

Affonso. 

Oh  Inez !  quanto  mal  tern 

esta  maleita,  em  que  ando! 

Inez. 

Oh  Joanne  !  quao  amiga 

que  sam  do  teu  bom  doairo ! 

Joanne. 

Se  nao  tens  outro  repairo, 

cant'eu  nao  sei  que  te  diga. 

Fernando. 

Isto  chamao  amor  louco, 

eu  por  ti  e  tu  por  outro. 

The  knot  is  left  untied  and  the  play  ends  with  the  adoration 
of  the  Virgin. 

The  same  artificial  circle  of  unhappy  lovers  is  found  in  the 
sixth  Idyl  of  Moschus  and  also  occurs  in  the  first  book  of  Mon- 
temayor's  Diana,  where  Selvagia  tells  of  the  suffering  caused 
to  herself  and  her  three  companions  by  unrequited  love,  for 
by  some  curious  caprice  of  Fate,  the  ardent  shepherd  or  shep- 
herdess was  destined  to  find  his  or  her  love  unreturned.  "Ved 
que  estrano  embuste  de  amor.  Si  por  uentura  Ysmenia  yua 
al  campo,  Alanio  tras  ella,  si  Montano  yua  al  ganado,  Ysmenia 
tras  el,  si  yo  andaua  al  monte  con  mis  ouejas,  Alontano  tras 
mi.  Si  yo  sabia  que  Alanio  estaua  en  un  bosque  donde  solia 
repastar,  alia  me  iua  tras  el.  Era  la  mas  nueua  cosa  del 
mundo  oyr  como  dezia  Alanio  sospirando,  ay  Ysmenia!,  y 
como  Ysmenia  dezia,  ay  Seluagia !,  y  como  Seluagia  dezia,  ay 
Montano!,  y  como  Montano  dezia,  ay  mi  Alanio!  "  '  The  last 
lines  in  the  passage  quoted  above  from  V'icente  were  glossed 
by  Alanio  in  his  song  to  Ysmenia  in  the  Diana,  "  cantando," 
says  Montemayor,  "  este  antiguo  cantar : 

Amor  loco,  ay  amor  loco ! 
yo  por  uos,  y  uos  por  otro." 

*  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origenes  dc  la  novela,  vol.  ii,  Madrid.  1907, 
p.  264. 


96  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

The  similarity  in  subject  and  treatment  and  the  fact  that  Mon- 
temayor  seems  to  quote  from  Vicente  makes  it  extremely  prob- 
able that  the  Auto  pastor il  portuguea  is  the  source  of  Selva- 
gia's  story  in  the  Diana.^ 

The  only  other  extant  play  of  Lope  de  Rueda  which  treats 
a  definitely  pastoral  theme  is  the  Colloquio  llattuida  Prcndas 
de  Amor.  The  interlocutors  are  two  shepherds,  Menandro 
and  Simon,  and  the  shepherdess  Cilena.  Menandro  and  Simon 
dispute  as  to  which  has  received  the  greater  mark  of  affection 
from  the  maiden ;  to  Simon  she  has  given  an  ear-ring  and  to 
Menandro  a  ring.  They  charge  one  another  with  jealousy 
and  Cilena  filially  appears  whom  we  expect  to  solve  the  ques- 
tion. When  Menandro  appeals  to  her  for  a  decision,  she  an- 
swers by  giving  them  other  presents,  declaring  that  she  has 
not  time  to  tarry.  The  shepherds  then  compare  notes  and  each 
claims  to  have  received  the  higher  mark  of  favour. 

This  colloquy  with  its  artificial  theme,  has  no  dramatic 
value  and  must  be  regarded  simply  as  affording  diversion  to 
some  aristocratic  gathering  which  may  have  been  entertained 
by  the  dramatic  presentation  of  this  casuistical  question.  As 
we  shall  see,  questions  of  this  kind  were  frequently  treated 
in  Spain  and  we  know  that  the  Congrega  dei  Rozzi  of  Siena  - 
amused  itself  with  Duhbi,  Casi  and  Questioni  of  the  same 
type  and  that  similar  games  were  popular  in  Italian  society  in 
the  sixteenth  century.* 

'  I  mentioned  this  similarity  in  a  note  entitled  Analogues  to  the  Story 
of  Selvagia  in  Montemayor's  Diana,  Modern  Language  Notes,  vol. 
xxix,  1914,  pp.  192-94.  The  same  theme  is  found  considerably  de- 
veloped in  the  Comedia  Metamorfosea  of  Joaquin  Romero  de  Cepeda 
and  in  the  following  Italian  pastoral  plays  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
the  Discordia  d'amore  (1526)  of  Marco  Guazzo,  Lo  Sfortunato  (1567) 
of  Argenti  and  Gli  Intri^ati  (1581)  of  Alvise  Pasqualigo. 

*  See  C.  Mazzi,  La  Congrega  dei  Rozzi,  Firenze,  1882,  vol.  i,  124  ff. 

*  See  Renier,  Giornale  storico  delta  letteratura  italiana,  vol.  xiii, 
382  ff.  Somewhat  similar  questions  are  discussed  in  the  Clareo  y 
Florisea  of  Nunez  de  Reinoso,  Biblioteca  de  auiores  espaiioles,  vol.  iii, 
pp.    442-43.     See    on    the    latter    the    interesting    article    of    Professor 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  gy 

The  earliest  example  which  I  have  found  of  the  dramatic 
treatment  of  the  caso  de  amor  theme  in  Spain  is  the  anonymous 
Comedia  Fenisa,  first  published  in  1540.^  The  interlocutors 
are  three  shepherds,  Valerio,  Marsirio  and  Silvio,  the  shei>- 
herdess  Fenisa  and  a  bobo.  The  three  shepherds  are  en- 
amoured of  Fenisa  and  enter  into  a  contest  to  determine  which 
shall  deserve  her  affections.  Marsirio  suggests  that  each  state 
the  reason  why  he  ventures  to  aspire  to  her  hand : 

e  visto  el  dolor  estrecho 

que  todos  tres  poseemos 

y  el  mal  que  Amor  nos  ha  hecho; 

que  los  dos  la  gloria  demos 

al  que  tiene  mas  derecho. 

Silvio  declares  that  while  pasturing  his  flock,  he  had  seen 
F^enisa  whose  beauty  had  caused  him  to  faint.  The  maiden 
sprinkled  water  on  his  face,  saying: 

Esfuerza,  amador. 
Ama,  ama  y  persevera : 
sabras  que  cosa  es  Amor. 

Since  then  she  has  been  ever  present  in  his  thoughts.  Mar- 
sirio relates  that  he  had  first  seen  her  beauty  by  moonlight ;  he 
too  had  fainted,  whereupon  she  said : 

De  que  has  pavor? 
Vuelve  en  ti,  qu'el  amador 
mas  constancia  ha  de  tener. 

Valerio  also  had  swooned  at  the  beauty  of  Fenisa  and  she  had 
said  to  him: 

Cierto  nunca  he  visto  yo 
menos  animo  en  zagal. 

Rudolph  Schevill,  Some  Forms  of  the  Riddle  Question  and  the  Exer- 
cise of  the  IVits  in  Popular  Fiction  and  Formal  Literature,  University 
of  California  Publications  in  Modern  Philology,  vol.  ii,  no.  3,  p.  223. 

^  I  have  not  seen  the  edition  of  1540.  1  have  quoted  from  the  version 
of  1588  which  Gallardo  reprinted  in  his  little  journal,  El  Criticon, 
Madrid,  1859.  Sr.  Bonilla  has  recently  republished  an  edition  of  1625 
in  the  Revue  Hispanique,  Paris,  vol.  xxvii,  1913. 


gS  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

Each  claims  to  have  received  the  greatest  mark  of  favour 
from  the  maiden.  The  Bobo  then  gives  his  version  which 
shows  the  tendency  to  satire  which  is  present  in  the  earhest 
pastorals.  While  enjoying  a  huge  meal,  he  had  seen  Fenisa 
who  laid  a  mighty  blow  on  his  head  with  her  crook  and  went 
away  laughing.  The  three  shepherds  finally  refer  the  ques- 
tion to  Fenisa  herself,  declaring  to  her  that  she  will  have  three 
deaths  on  her  conscience  if  she  refuses  to  decide.  With  some 
reluctance  she  expresses  her  preference  for  Valerio  and  the 
two  disappointed  suitors  depart  sorrowfully,  inveighing  against 
the  fickleness  ,of  woman. 

This  play,  in  spite  of  its  puerile  simpHcity,  seems  to  have  en- 
joyed unusual  popularity.  Not  only  was  it  republished  at 
X'alladolid  in  1588  and  at  Salamanca  in  1625  but  also  forms 
the  basis  of  two  religious  plays  of  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Colloquio  de  Fenisa  and  Fide  Ypsa,^  in  which  the 
theme  is  treated  a  lo  divino,  preserving  many  lines  of  the 
original.  It  is  likely  that  Juan  de  Melgar,  to  whom  the  ver- 
sion published  in  1625  is  attributed,  is  the  arreglador,  not  the 
author.  The  analog}'^  between  this  play  and  the  various  themes 
treated  in  the  Italian  Dubbi  and  Cast  d'amore  is  clear. 

The  influence  of  Italian  literature  is  more  clearly  seen  in  the 
prologues  of  the  three  plays  of  Juan  Timoneda,  namely,  La 
Co  media  de  Amphitrion,  La  Comedia  de  los  Menemnos  and 
Comedia  llamada  Carmelia  (or  Cornelia),  published  at  Valen- 
cia in  1559.^  The  Comedia  de  Amphitrion  contains  a  pro- 
logue recited  by  Bromio,  an  old  shepherd,  Pascuala,  his 
daughter  and  two  young  shepherds,  Morato  and  Roseno. 
After  an  introductory  song,  Bromio  urges  Pascuala  to  declare 

^  Published  by  Leo  Rouanet,  Colecc'wn  de  auios,  farsas  y  coloquios  del 
siglo  XVI,  vol.  iii,  Madrid,  1901. 

'These  three  plays  are  republished  in  the  Obras  complctas  of  Juan 
de  Timoneda  publicadas  por  la  Sociedad  de  Bibliofilos  valen^ianos, 
vol.  i,  Valencia,  191 1.  Los  Menemnos  was  reprinted  by  Moratin, 
Origenes  del  teatro  espanol,  Biblioteca  de  autores  espanoles,  vol.  ii, 
and  by  Ochoa.  Tesoro  del  teatro  espanol,  vol.  i,  Paris,  1838. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  gg 

her  preference  for  one  of  her  suitors,  Morato  or  Roseno,  both 
of  whom  have  served  her  faithfully.  The  maiden  replies  that 
she  will  indicate  her  choice  by  a  sign,  and  turning  to  the  young 
men,  says : 

"  Sus :  Toma,  Roseno,  esta  mi  guirnalda,  y  dame  la  tuya,  Morato. 
Declarado  queda  ya,  padre  mio,  a  quien  mas  destos  ama  mi  corazon." 

After  her  departure,  the  lovers  dispute  as  to  the  meaning  of 
her  enigmatical  reply.  Each  adduces  good  reasons  why  he 
should  be  considered  the  favoured  one  and  Bromio  finally 
suggests  that  they  refer  the  question  to  the  most  subtle  and 
enamoured  wits  in  the  land.  The  young  shepherds  agree  and 
Bromio  addresses  the  audience  as  follows :  "  Nobles  y  apas- 
sionados  Senores  y  senoras :  la  quistion  suso  dicha  dexamos 
en  mano  de  vuestras  mercedes  para  que  declaren  a  qual  destos 
zagales  ama  y  quiere  mas  esta  zagala ;  que  mafiana  bolueremos 
por  la  respuesta."  Morato  and  Roseno  then  state  the  argu- 
ment of  the  play  and  the  prologue  ends  with  a  song  beginning : 

Dinos,  zagala,  qual  de  los  dos 
es  el  tu  amado  ? 

This  casuistical  discussion  is  derived  from  the  first  question 
in  the  fourth  part  of  Boccaccio's  Filocolo.  It  will  be  recalled 
that  while  searching  for  Biancofiore,  Filocolo  is  obliged  by 
reason  of  a  storm  to  stop  at  Naples  where  he  is  cordially  re- 
ceived by  Fiammetta  and  her  merry  companions.  One  after- 
noon Fiammetta  suggests  that  they  amuse  themselves  by  pro- 
posing questioni  d' amove  for  solution  to  a  king  who  shall  be 
elected  by  her  comrades.  She  herself,  however,  is  chosen 
queen  and  thirteen  subtle  questions  are  offered  for  discussion. 
The  first  is  identical  with  the  subject  treated  in  the  prologue 
of  Timoneda's  Ampkitrion. 

In  the  Italian  version  a  young  girl  is  urged  by  her  mother 
to  express  her  preference  for  one  of  her  two  suitors.  "  Disse 
la  giovane :  cio  mi  place ;  e  rimiratili  amenduni  alquanto,  vide 
che  I'uno  avea  in  testa  una  bella  ghirlanda  di  fresclie  erbette 


lOO  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

e  di  fiori.  e  I'altro  senza  alcuna  ghirlanda  dimorava.  AUora 
la  giovane.  che  similemente  in  capo  una  ghirlanda  di  verdi 
fronde  avea,  levo  quella  di  capo  a  se,  e  a  colui  che  senza  ghir- 
landa le  stava  davanti  la  mise  in  capo ;  appresso  quella  che 
Taltro  giovane  in  capo  avea  ella  prese  e  a  se  la  pose,  e  loro 
lasciati  stare,  si  torno  alia  festa,"  etc.  Except  that  Timoneda 
substituted  the  father  for  the  mother  of  the  maiden,  the  two 
versions  agree.^ 

The  Coniedia  de  los  Menemnos  is  preceded  by  a  prologue  in 
which  Cupid  and  three  shepherds.  Ginebro.  Climaco  and 
Claudino,  are'  the  characters.  The  shepherds,  enamoured  of 
the  shepherdess  Temisa,  present  themselves  before  Cupid,  ask- 
ing him  to  decide  which  of  them  the  maiden  should  prefer. 
Claudino  has  boasted  to  Temisa  of  his  physical  strength,  Cli- 
maco has  assured  her  of  his  sincerity  and  generosity,  while 
Ginebro  has  urged  his  suit  on  the  plea  of  his  prudence  and 
wisdom.  Cupid  asks  which  of  the  lovers  she  has  chosen  and 
Climaco  replies  that  Ginebro  has  been  the  favoured  one. 
Cupid  approves  this  choice,  declaring  that  neither  the  strength 
of  Hercules  nor  the  generosity  of  Alexander  the  Great  will 
satisfy  a  discreet  woman,  but  only  the  fruits  of  real  knowl- 
edge. The  rejected  suitors  are  satisfied  with  this  decision  and 
recite  the  argument  of  the  play. 

The  subject  of  this  prologue  is  identical  with  the  theme 
treated  in  the  third  questione  d'amore  of  the  Filocolo.    One  of 

'  This  theme  is  first  suggested  in  the  Babylonica  of  lamblichus  of  the 
second  century  A.  D.  and  was  frequently  treated  in  medieval  and 
Renaissance  poetry.  See  the  interesting  article  of  Signor  Pio  Rajna, 
Una  questione  d'amore,  published  in  Raccolta  di  studii  critici  dedicata 
ad  Alessandro  d'Ancona,  Firenze,  iQOi,  pp.  553-68  and  Adolfo  Gaspary, 
Storia  delta  letteratura  italiana,  vol.  ii,  parte  prima,  Torino,  1900,  pp. 
325-26.  The  source  of  this  prologue  and  of  the  prologue  to  Timoneda's 
Comedia  de  los  Menemnos  was  noted  by  me  in  an  article  published  in 
the  Modern  Language  Review,  vol.  ix,  April,  1914.  I  there  mentioned 
the  fact  that  the  Cnmedia  de  Amphitrion,  which  purports  to  be  a  trans- 
lation or  adaptation  of  the  Amphitruo  of  Plautus  is  merely  a  stage 
version  of  the  translation  of  the  Amphitruo  of  Francisco  Lopez  de 
Villalobos  which  first  appeared  in  the  year  1515  (?). 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  jqi 

the  ladies  tells  Fiammetta  that  from  among  her  suitors,  she 
has  chosen  three  as  most  worthy  of  her  love:  "  de'quali  tre, 
I'uno  di  corporale  fortezza  credo  che  avanzerebbe  il  buono 
Ettore,  tanto  e  ad  ogni  prova  vigoroso  e  forte ;  la  cortesia  e  la 
liberalita  del  secondo  e  tanta,  che  la  sua  fama  per  ciascun  polo 
credo  che  suoni ;  il  terzo  e  di  sapienza  pieno  tanto,  che  gli  altri 
savii  avanza  oltra  misura."  She  concludes  by  asking  the  ad- 
vice of  Fiammetta  who  decides  the  question  in  favour  of  the 
learned  man,  as  is  done  by  Cupid  in  Timoneda's  prologue.^ 

The  prologue  of  Timoneda's  Comedia  llamada  Carrnelia  (or 
Cornelia)  treats  a  somewhat  analogous  theme.  Three  lovers, 
Paris,  Anteon  and  Leandro  propose  to  Lamia  certain  pre- 
guntas  de  caso  de  amoves,  which  deal  w^ith  sophistical  subjects 
such  as  these :  what  is  the  most  potent  reason  for  women  to 
hate  men  ;  how  is  man  most  pleasing  to  woman  ;  what  gives  the 
greatest  offense  to  a  woman's  heart ;  how  does  afifection  be- 
tween lovers  most  quickly  vanish,  etc.  After  Lamia  answers 
these  questions,  the  four  interlocutors  recite  the  argument  of 
the  play. 

The  influence  of  Timoneda  is  clearly  seen  in  the  prologue 
to  Alonso  de  la  Vega's  Comedia  de  la  Duquesa  de  la  Rosa, 
published  with  two  other  plays  of  the  same  author  by  Timo- 
neda in  1566.-  Two  shepherds,  Falacio  and  Bruneo,  defy 
Cupid,  charging  him  with  causing  all  the  trouble  in  the  world. 
Cupid  bids  them  yield  to  his  power  which  is  respected  by  all 
men ;  but  the  shepherds,  undaunted  by  his  threats,  are  about  to 

'  The  episode  of  the  Thirteen  Questions  was  translated  into  Spanish 
by  D.  Diego  Lopez  de  Ayala,  assisted  by  Diego  de  Salazar.  This 
translation  was  published  at  Seville  in  the  year  1546  with  the  title 
Laberirtto  de  amor  and  again  at  Toledo  the  same  year  with  the  title, 
Trece  questiones  muy  graxiosas  sacadas  del  Pliiloculo  del  famoso  Juan 
Bocacio.  See  Pio  Rajna,  Le  questioni  d'amore  nel  Filocolo,  Romania, 
vol.  xxxi,  pp.  28-81  and  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Origeues  de  la  novela, 
vol.  i,  Madrid,  1905,  pp.  ccci-cccii. 

*  These  plays  have  been  reprinted  with  an  introduction  by  Menendez 
y  Pelayo,  published  by  the  Cesellschaft  fiir  romanischc  Literatur.  vol. 
vi,  Dresden,  1905. 


102  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

lay  violent  hands  upon  the  tiny  god  when  the  shepherdess 
Doresta  enters,  urging  tliem  to  submit  since  all  their  efforts 
to  resist  will  be  fruitless.  Cupid  gives  her  his  bow  and  arrow, 
ordering  her  to  strike  to  the  heart  the  one  whom  she  prefers. 
Falacio  at  once  calls  for  mercy  as  he  has  been  struck  by  the 
arrow  and  Bruneo,  also  vanquished  by  Cupid,  follows  suit. 
They  both  declare  themselves  the  slaves  of  Love  and  when 
Doresta  asks  which  she  would  prefer,  Cupid  refers  the  question 
to  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  there  assembled. 

A  return  to  the  theme  already  treated  by  Gil  Vicente  in  his 
Auto  pastoril  •portuguez,  by  Montemayor  in  the  narrative  of 
Selvagia,  by  Lope  de  Rueda  in  his  Discordia  y  question  de 
Amor  and  in  several  Italian  plays  is  found  in  the  Comedia 
Metamorfosea  of  Joaquin  Romero  de  Cepeda.  published  in 
1582.^  The  division  of  this  play  into  three  acts  is  purely  ar- 
bitrary. Three  shepherds  and  three  shepherdesses  suffer  the 
pains  of  unrequited  love  and  each  blames  another  for  heartless- 
ness.  Almost  the  entire  play  is  occupied  with  silly  proposals 
followed  by  brusque  refusals  after  this  fashion: 

Belisena.  Por  mi   Medoro  suspiro. 

Eleno.  Belisena  es  mi  querer. 

Albiiia.  Eleno  me  ha  dado  el  tiro. 

Belisena.  Medoro,  vuelte  a  mi. 

Medoro.  Yo  no  te  quiero,  pastora. 

Eleno.  Belisena,  mi  sefiora. 

Belisena.  Eleno,  dejame  aqui. 

Albina.  Eleno,  mirame  agora. 

Eleno.  Como  se  ha  de  concluir 
y  dar  fin  a  este  debate? 

Eleno's  question  is  one  which  naturally  occurs  to  the  reader. 
The  author,  however,  makes  a  gallant  effort  to  reach  a  solu- 
iton.  A  metamorphosis  takes  place  simultaneously  in  their 
hearts  and  each  shepherd  or  shepherdess  expresses  his  or  her 
love  for  the  person  who  a  moment  before  had  been  scorned. 
This  change  leads  to  as  difficult  a  situation  as  the  previous  one 

1  Reprinted  by  Ochoa.  Tesoro  del  teatro  espanol.  Vol.  I,  Paris,  1838. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  AFTER  ENZINA  103 

and  the  author  ends  the  play  in  despair  without  reaciiing  a 
satisfactory  conchision. 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  works  of  Lope  de  Vega,  the 
Comedia  Metamorfosea  was  the  last  pastoral  play  printed  in 
Spain  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  drama  as  conceived  by 
Torres  Naharro  and  Lope  de  Rueda  had  completely  triumphed 
soon  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  the  pas- 
toral plays  which  appeared  after  that  date  may  almost  be  re- 
garded as  anachronisms.  The  pastoral  drama  contained 
within  itself  the  cause  of  its  inevitable  dissolution :  it  was  not 
original  nor  did  it  represent  actual  life.  Imitative  by  its  very 
nature,  it  could  not  thrive  after  the  drama  was  no  longer  re- 
stricted to  private  performances  at  the  palace  of  some  grandee, 
but  was  forced  to  go  out  on  the  village  square  or  into  an  im- 
provised corral  to  win  the  plaudits  of  the  crowd.  Theatre 
goers  demanded  at  least  an  approximation  to  realism  or  some 
human  interest,  and  this  demand  the  pastoral  drama  failed  to 
supply.  To  the  comedia  de  capa  y  espada  as  conceived  by  Tor- 
res Naharro  in  his  Comedia  Himenea,  Geronimo  Bermudez, 
Lupercio  Leonardo  de  Argensola  and  Juan  de  la  Cueva  offered 
new  interests,  those  of  national  and  foreign  history.  It  re- 
mained for  a  man  of  genius  to  fuse  these  disparate  elements 
in  order  to  create  a  truly  national  drama,  and  this  man  of 
genius  was  Lope  de  Vega. 

However,  the  development  of  a  realistic  or  historical  drama 
was  not  the  determining  factor  in  the  decline  of  pastoral  plays. 
In  spite  of  the  growth  of  realistic  comedy  and  of  heroic  tra- 
gedy, Italy  and  England  can  boast  of  the  composition  of  the 
Aniinta,  Pastor  Fido  and  Faithful  Shepherdess  at  a  compara- 
tively late  date.  The  chief  reason  for  the  waning  of  the  pas- 
toral drama  in  Spain  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century 
is  found  in  the  conditions  prevailing  in  that  country.  The 
pastoral  play  is  an  artificial  product  which  can  flourish  only  in 
an  artificial  environment  and  this  environment  was  lacking  in 
Spain.  The  Emperor  Charles  was  not  a  patron  of  play-writers, 
and  Philip  II  was  more  interested  in  securing  theological  works 
for  the  Escorial  Library  and  in  supporting  Arias  Montano's 


104 


THE  SPAXISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


Polyglot  Bible  than  is  encouraging  the  theatre.  Nor  were 
there  any  small  literary  courts  in  Spain  at  this  period,  like  that 
of  Ferrara,  where  a  poet  might  compose  a  play  with  the  con- 
ventional pastoral  atmosphere,  containing  a  veiled  paneg}Tic 
of  a  generous  patron.  Through  lack  of  support  from  the 
Crown  and  noblemen  of  literary  tastes,  the  pastoral  drama  was 
doomed,  at  least  temporarily,  to  extinction. 

Two  facts  are  of  particular  significance  in  the  study  of  the 
pastoral  drama  before  Lope  de  \'ega,  its  independence  of  the 
pastoral  novel  and  of  the  new  Italian  verse  forms.  The  pas- 
toral novel,  which  had  a  glorious  career  in  Spain '  and  which 
soon  became  known  abroad,  left  scarcely  a  trace  on  the  pas- 
toral drama  which  developed,  for  the  most  part,  the  themes 
treated  by  Enzina,  Fernandez  and  in  the  Egloga  de  Torino. 
The  verse  forms  found  in  these  early  w'orks  were  also  accepted 
as  models  by  later  poets,  who  appear  to  have  been  quite  ignor- 
ant of  the  profound  transformation  experienced  by  Spanish 
poetry  as  a  result  of  the  innovations  of  Boscan  and  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega.- 

'  For  the  historj-  of  the  Spanish  pastoral  novel,  see  Dr.  Hugo  A. 
Rennert.  Spanish  Pastoral  Rom<inces,  Second  edition.  Philadelphia, 
1913,  and  Menendez  y  Pelayo.  Ongcn^s  de  la  novda.  Vol.  I.  Madrid, 
1907,  pp.  cdxi-dxviii. 

-  Sa  de  Miranda,  however,  made  use  of  Italian  verse  forms.   Seep. 67. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Pastoral  Plays  of  Lope  de  Vega  and  Calderon 
DE  LA  Barca. 

The  earliest  work  of  Lope  de  Vega  of  which  we  have  any 
record  is  a  pastoral  play,  El  verdadero  amante}  If  we  may 
believe  the  statement  of  the  great  dramatist  himself,  he  com- 
posed it  at  the  age  of  twelve  years  since  he  says  in  dedicating 
the  play  to  his  son  Lope  Felix :  "  I  wished  to  dedicate  to  you 
this  comedia  called  The  True  Lover  because  I  wrote  it  when 
I  was  of  your  age,  for  although  at  the  time  it  was  favourably 
received,  you  will  recognize  in  it  my  crude  beginnings ;  but  I 
do  it  under  the  special  condition  that  you  do  not  take  it  for  an 
exemplar,  in  order  that  you  may  not  find  yourself  listened  to 
by  many  and  esteemed  by  few."  ^  Since  Lope  Felix  was  born 
in  1607  and  the  play  was  licensed  in  October,  1619,  it  would 
follow  that  the  play  was  written  when  Lope  de  Vega  was  in 
his  thirteenth  year.  He  tells  us  in  his  Arte  nuevo  dc  haccr 
comedias,  that  he  had  composed  plays  at  the  age  of  eleven  and 
twelve  in  four  acts.^  Since  El  verdadero  amante  is  divided 
into  three  acts,  we  may  accept  Hartzenbusch's  suggestion  that 
in  preparing  the  play  for  publication  in  1619,  he  recast  the  two 
first  acts  of  the  original  into  one.  If  it  be  true  that  the  play 
was  composed  in  the  author's  thirteenth  year,  and  we  may 

'  First  published  at  Madrid  in  1620  in  Part  XIV  of  Lope's  comedias. 
It  has  been  reprinted  with  an  introduction  by  Menendez  y  Pelayo  in 
Vol.  V  of  the  Spanish  Academy's  edition  of  Lope  de  Vega,  Madrid. 
1895. 

*  Quoted  from  Dr.  Hugo  A.  Rennert's  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  Glas- 
gow, 1904,  p.  97. 

'  The  only  extant  comedia  of  Lope  in  four  acts  is  the  Los  hechos  de 
Garcila^o  de  la  Vega  y  Mora  Tarfc.  published  in  Vol.  XI  of  the  Span- 
ish Academy's  edition. 

105 


Io6  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

make  allowance  for  some  exaggeration  in  this  statement,  it  is 
evident  that  it  was  entirely  re-written  before  publication  for 
it  contains  bits  of  versification  which  indicate  maturity  of 
talent,  although  the  puerility  of  the  argument  betrays  the 
beginner's  hand. 

The  argument  is  briefly  as  follows.  The  shepherdess 
Amaranta  has  married  the  shepherd  Doristo  to  the  great  sor- 
row of  Jacinto  who  had  long  sought  her  hand.  The  dis- 
appointed suitor,  however,  turns  his  attention  to  Belarda,  who 
has  suffered  because  of  his  indifiference,  and  who  in  turn  is 
courted  by  Menalca  and  Coridon.  When  Doristo  dies  from 
some  mysterious  cause  the  day  after  his  nuptials,  Amaranta 
looks  upon  his  death  as  a  relief  from  a  union  into  which  she 
had  been  forced  by  her  father,  and  attempts  to  renew  her  rela- 
tions with  Jacinto,  but  finds  that  his  heart  is  fixed  upon 
Belarda.  She  then  determines  to  coerce  him  by  spreading  the 
report  that  her  husband  had  been  poisoned  by  Jacinto,  be- 
lieving that  the  latter  when  condemned  to  death,  will  consent 
to  marry  her  in  order  to  save  his  life,  and  that  the  judges  will 
accede  to  this  arrangement.  Menalca  and  Coridon  enter  into 
this  conspiracy  in  the  belief  that  if  Jacinto  be  forced  to  marry 
Amaranta,  they  will  have  no  rival  for  the  hand  of  Belarda. 

Jacinto  escapes  from  justice  and  is  tenderly  cared  for  by 
Belarda,  but  when  he  hears  that  the  latter  has  promised  to 
marry  Menalca,  he  surrenders  himself  and  affirms  his  guilt. 
Amaranta  then  asks  that  he  be  released  on  condition  that  he 
marry  her,  but  to  the  great  disappointment  of  his  father  whose 
heart  is  set  on  the  match,  Jacinto  refuses  to  give  his  as- 
sent. Coridon,  seeing  that  Menalca  alone  will  profit  by  the 
death  of  Jacinto  in  being  left  without  a  rival  for  the  hand  of 
Belarda,  confesses  his  part  in  the  false  testimony.  A  magis- 
trate then  settles  the  question  by  decreeing  the  marriage  of 
Jacinto  and  Belarda  who  had  been  ever  faithful  to  him.  and 
the  fellow  conspirators  Amaranta  and  Menalca  are  also  joined 
in  marriage. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Lope  de  Vega  was  influenced  by 
any  of  the  earlier  Spanish  pastoral  plays   in  composing  El 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  107 

verdadero  amante  nor  has  any  Italian  source  been  assigned  to 
it,  but  by  reason  of  its  length,  the  large  number  of  characters 
introduced,  the  attempt  to  secure  dramatic  eflfect  by  the  false 
accusation  against  Jacinto  and  the  presence  of  Italian  verse 
forms  such  as  quintillas,  silvas,  tcrcetos  and  versos  sueltos, 
we  are  led  to  suppose  that  the  author  was  acquainted  with 
the  Aniinta  and  its  progeny. 

Lope's  second  pastoral  play  was  first  published  in  1617  ^ 
with  the  title  Los  Jacintos  y  seloso  de  si  mismo  and  in  1623 
was  included  in  the  Part  XVIII  of  Lope's  comedias  with  the 
title  La  pastoral  de  Jacinto.  Its  date  of  composition  is  not 
certain.  Montalvan  relates  in  his  Fama  postuma,  that  after 
a  youthful  escapade,  "  Lope  returned  to  Madrid ;  not  having 
much  means,  as  a  help  to  his  support,  he  entered  the  service 
of  Don  Jeronimo  Manrique,  Bishop  of  Avila,  whom  he  greatly 
pleased  by  a  number  of  eclogues  written  in  his  honour,  and 
also  the  comedia  La  pastoral  de  Jacinto,  which  was  the  first 
play  in  three  acts  that  he  wrote."  -  Dr.  Rennert  conjectures 
from  this  statement  and  other  evidence  that  the  play  may  have 
been  composed  before  1582.^  The  name  Albania  given  to  the 
heroine,  who  as  Menendez  y  Pelayo  conjectured,  may  well  have 
been  some  lady  of  the  Alba  family,  and  the  statement  that  the 
shepherd  Jacinto  had  come  from  the  shores  of  the  Tormes  to 
the  banks  of  the  Tagus,  seem  to  show  that  at  least  part  of  the 
play  was  composed  after  1590  when  Lope  entered  the  service 
of  the  young  Don  Antonio,  Duke  of  Alba.* 

The  shepherd  Jacinto,  after  an  absence  of  two  years,  returns 
to  his  beloved  Albania  and  hears  from  her  own  lips  that  she 
loves  only  Jacinto.  The  shepherd,  however,  is  sadly  lacking 
in  self-assurance,   for  he  immediately  suspects  that  there  is 

'  In  the  volume  entitled  Ctiatro  comedias  famosas  de  D.  Luis  dc 
Gongora  y  Lope  de  I'ega  Carpio,  recopiladas  por  Antonio  Sanchez, 
Madrid. 

*  Quoted  from  H.  A.  Rennert,  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  p.  13. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  16. 

*Ibid.,  p.  98. 


Io8  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

another  Jacinto  upon  whom  the  maiden's  heart  is  set.  This 
suspicion  is  confirmed  by  Frondelio's  impersonation  of  this 
supposed  rival  Jacinto  so  that  Doriano  may  win  the  hand  of 
Albania.  The  latter  takes  advantage  of  every  opportunity  to 
declare  her  love  for  Jacinto,  but  the  overmodest  suitor  believes 
that  her  words  refer  to  his  homonymous  rival  and  like  another 
Orlando,  makes  a  mad  attack  upon  four  rustics  and 

va  como  toro  furioso 

con  la  cola  hiriendo  el  anca ; 

hierba  y  cespedes  arranca. 

After  mutual  recriminations,  the  deceit  of  Frondelio  is  dis- 
covered and  Jacinto  and  Albania  are  united. 

In  spite  of  some  fine  bits  of  verse,  this  play  is  one  of  the 
most  tiresome  in  the  whole  Spanish  drama.  The  argument  is 
devoid  of  common  sense  and  is  childish  both  in  conception  and 
execution.  The  author  implies  in  his  dedication  that  he  had 
treated  in  the  pastoral  manner  "  lo  que  por  ventura  pasaba  en 
los  suntuosos  palacios  de  los  Principes,"  but  if  this  be  true, 
he  must  have  allowed  himself  considerable  poetic  license  in 
his  treatment  of  the  theme.  He  employed  a  bewildering  array 
of  verse  forms,  including  sonnets,  octaves,  liras,  sestinas  and 
lumbering  esdrujulos.  The  most  charitable  thing  that  can  be 
said  of  the  play  is  that  it  was  the  work  of  a  very  young  man. 

Belardo  cl  furioso,  mentioned  in  the  first  list  of  El  peregrino 
en  su  patria  (1604),  remained  not  only  inedited  but  also  un- 
known until  recently  published  by  Senor  Menendez  y  Pelayo.^ 
Its  date  of  composition  must  be  assigned  to  the  early  years  of 
the  poet.  The  first  act  agrees  in  all  essential  particulars 
with  La  Dorotea  and  the  play  is  chiefly  interesting  as  confirm- 
ing the  autobiographical  character  of  the  latter  and  the  iden- 
tity of  Don  Fernando,  who  here  presents  himself  on  the  stage 
with  Lope's  well-known  pseudonym  Belardo. 

At  the  opening  of  the  play,  Jacinta  tells  Belardo  of  her  un- 

^  In  Vol.  V  of  the  Spanish  Academy's  edition  of  the  works  of  Lope 
de  Vega. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  IO9 

dying  love  for  him.  Her  uncle,  Pinardo,  however,  decries 
her  folly  in  joining  her  lot  with  that  of  a  poor  man  and  asks 
quite  pertinently : 

Como  piensas  pasar  el  frio  invierno 
a  lumbre  de  papeles  y  palabras? 

He  suggests  that  she  transfer  her  affection  to  the  wealthy 
shepherd  Nemoroso,  the  fickle  maiden  consents  and  plights 
her  troth  to  him.  When  Belardo  learns  the  truth,  he  deter- 
mines to  leave  the  country  and  with  a  trumped-up  story  of 
being  obliged  to  flee  for  having  killed  a  man,  he  secures  his 
traveling  expenses  from  Cristalina,  who  has  ever  been  faithful 
in  her  love  for  him,  and  destroys  all  the  keepsakes  which  he 
possesses  of  the  faithless  Jacinta. 

The  unhappy  lover  is  not  able  long  to  bear  the  pangs  of 
absence  and  on  his  return  is  informed  that  Jacinta  has  married 
Nemoroso.  On  hearing  that  his  dream  of  happiness  has  been 
irrevocably  shattered,  he  attacks  Pinardo,  charging  him  with 
having  arranged  the  sale  of  Jacinta  to  her  rich  suitor  and 
threatens  to  kill  Nemoroso  on  sight.  Siralbo,  his  squire,  tries 
to  appease  the  madman  and  plans  a  mock  duel  by  imperson- 
ating Nemoroso.  They  fight  with  reeds,  Siralbo  falls  and 
Belardo  departs,  satisfied  that  he  has  killed  his  enemy.  He 
meets  Jacinta  at  the  marriage  of  the  rustics  Bato  and  Amarili 
and  attempts  to  do  her  violence,  but  she  succeeds  in  escaping 
by  a  ruse.  Belardo  then  declares  that  Jacinta,  like  an- 
other Eurydice,  had  been  bitten  by  an  adder  and  that  like 
Orpheus,  he  must  descend  to  hell  to  reclaim  her.  Siralbo  urges 
upon  Jacinta  the  necessity  of  saving  her  old  lover  from  his 
madness,  takes  her  to  the  spot  where  Belardo  is  about  to  make 
the  descent  and  utters  a  conjuration.  Jacinta  opportunely  ap- 
pears, Belardo  recovers  his  wits,  offers  her  his  love  and  is 
accepted.  Nemoroso  attempts  to  avenge  himself  upon  Belardo 
and  Cristalina  tries  to  take  the  life  of  Jacinta  who  has  robbed 
her  of  Belardo's  love,  each  then  strives  to  protect  the  object 
of  his  or  her  love,  and  they  finally  consent  to  marry  when  all 


I  lo  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

impediments  to  the  union  of  Belardo  and  Jacinta  have  been 
removed. 

The  influence  of  Ariosto's  Orlando  Furioso  is  evident,  not 
only  in  the  title,  but  also  in  the  scenes  describing  the  madness 
of  Belardo,  and  certain  scenes  such  as  the  mock  combat  be- 
tween Siralbo  and  Belardo  recall  Don  Quixote  although  the 
early  date  of  the  play  seems  to  preclude  the  possibility  of 
imitation.  A  few  comic  incidents  occur  such  as  the  events 
attending  the  marriage  of  Bato  and  Amarili  which  are  not 
found  in  the  earlier  pastorals  of  Lope.  The  latter  part  of  the 
play  is  clearly  a  burlesque  of  the  Orpheus  and  Eurydice  story. 

It  was  pointed  out  by  Sefior  Menendez  y  Pelayo  that  the 
first  act  is  almost  identical  with  the  story  treated  in  Lope's 
Dorotea.  Dorotea  here  appears  as  Jacinta,  Pinardo  corres- 
ponds to  Gerarda  in  the  novel  and  Cristalina  who  unselfishly 
gives  her  jewels  to  aid  Belardo's  escape  is  called  Marfisca  in 
the  later  version.^  In  spite  of  its  evident  defects,  this  play 
has  far  more  dramatic  interest  than  El  verdadcro  amante  or 
La  pastoral  de  Jacinto. 

The  pastoral  comedy,  La  Arcadia,  was  first  published  in  the 
Trecena  parte  de  las  comedias  de  Lope  dc  Vega  Carpio  in  the 
year  1620  with  a  dedication  to  Dr.  Gregorio  Lopez  Madera.^ 
In  the  prologue  to  this  volume,  Lope  complains  bitterly  that 
certain  persons  had  committed  his  plays  to  memory  in  the 
theatre  and  had  then  sold  incorrect  versions  to  unscrupulous 
theatrical  managers.  Cristobal  Suarez  de  Figueroa  speaks  of 
this  reprehensible  custom  in  his  Plaza  universal  de  todas  cicn- 
cias  (1615)  and  mentions  particularly  that  La  Dama  boba. 
El  Principe  perfeto,  La  Arcadia  and  FA  Galan  de  la  Membrilla 
had  been  memorized  in  this  fashion  by  a  certain  Luis  Remirez 
de  Arellano.  It  is  evident  that  these  four  plays  had  been  pro- 
duced at  Madrid  shortly  before  161 5  and  for  all  of  these,  with 

^  The  autobiographical  character  of  La  Dorotea  has  been  explained 
by  Dr.  H.  A.  Rennert,  Life  of  Lope  de  Vega,  pp.  48-59. 

'  Reprinted  with  an  introduction  by  Sefior  Menendez  y  Pelayo  in  Vol. 
V  of  the  Spanish  Academy's  edition  of  the  works  of  Lx)pe  de  Vega. 


PASTORAL  PLA YS  I H 

the  exception  of  La  Arcadia,  we  have  autograph  manuscripts 
which  prove  that  they  were  composed  between  the  years  1613 
and  161 5.  Since  Figueroa  mentions  La  Dama  boba  and  El 
Principe  perfeto  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  written,  it 
may  not  be  unwarranted  to  infer  that  La  Arcadia  was  written 
and  acted  between  El  Principe  perfeto  and  El  Galan  de  la 
Membrilla,  that  is,  between  December  23,  1614  and  April  20, 
1615.  It  is  true  that  La  Arcadia  shows  certain  characteristics 
of  Lope's  early  style,  but  it  seems  hardly  probable  that  a  play 
of  so  little  intrinsic  merit  should  have  held  the  stage  for 
thirteen  years,  supposing  that  after  1602  Lope  substituted  the 
figura  del  donayre  for  the  simple  and  rustic 0.  However,  just 
as  we  know  that  in  a  number  of  comedias  written  after  1602, 
Lope  omitted  the  figura  del  donayre.  so  it  has  never  been 
proved  that  he  gave  up  entirely  the  use  of  the  simple  and 
rustico  after  that  date.  In  the  absence  of  such  proof,  the 
evidence  seems  to  favour  the  early  part  of  the  year  161 5  as 
the  date  of  composition  of  La  Arcadia.'^ 

The  story  treated  in  the  play  is  briefly  as  follows.  Ergasto 
insists  that  his  daughter  Belisarda  marry  Salicio  and  invites 
the  shepherds  and  shepherdesses  of  Arcadia  to  solemnize  the 
betrothal  at  the  temple  of  Venus.  Anfriso,  who  has  loved 
the  maiden  for  six  years,  accuses  her  of  inconstancy,  but  she 
replies  that  she  will  poison  herself  rather  than  consent  to 
marriage  with  Salicio.  Anfriso  declares  that  he  will  not  long 
survive  her.  A  witty  rustic,  Cardenio,  determines  to  prevent 
the  betrothal  because  on  one  occasion  Anfriso  had  saved  his 
life,  and  hiding  behind  the  statue  of  the  goddess,  he  pro- 
nounces these  oracular  words : 

Para  que  quieres  casarte, 
Salicio?    Porque  cualquiera 
que  con  Belisarda  case, 
Jupiter  divino  ordena 

'  I  have  presented  the  above-mentioned  arguments  for  this  date  in  a 
note  published  in  the  Modern  Language  Refien',  Vol.  Ill,  1907,  pp. 
40-42. 


112  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

que  a  tres  dias  desde  el  dia 
que  este  casado  con  ella, 
muera  por  justo  castigo 
de  la  locura  y  soberbia 
que  contra  la  diosa  Venus 
tuvo  su  madre  Laurencia, 
haciendose  mas  hermosa. 

The  betrothal  party  breaks  up  in  disorder  and  Salicio  re- 
nounces his  claims  to  Belisarda,  preferring  to  live  rather  than 
be  happy  for  only  three  days.  Cardenio  leaves  the  temple 
thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  sensation  which  he  has  created 
and  exclaims : 

Oh  religion  de  los  honibres ! 
Cuanto  puedes,  pucs  has  hecho 
que  esta  mi  voz  jumentil 
pase  por  tiple  del  cielo! 

Olimpo,  Anfriso's  best-man,  falls  in  love  with  Belisarda 
and  Anarda  offers  him  her  aid  because  she  in  turn  is  enam- 
oured of  Anfriso.  When  Belisarda  writes  a  letter  to  Olimpo 
rejecting  his  suit,  Anarda  takes  it  to  Anfriso  and  by  a  few 
ingenious  changes  in  punctuation,  convinces  him  that  he  is  no 
longer  loved  by  Belisarda.  In  order  to  quiet  the  pangs  of 
unrequited  love,  Anfriso  then  avows  his  affection  for  Anarda, 
thereby  arousing  the  jealousy  of  Belisarda  who  promises  to 
avenge  herself.  The  lovers  are  finally  reconciled  when 
Anarda's  deceit  is  discovered,  and  Silvio  offers  to  die  in  order 
that  Belisarda  will  then  be  free  to  marry  Anfriso  and  thereby 
fulfil  the  ominous  oracle  of  the  goddess.  Anfriso  refuses  to 
accept  this  generous  sacrifice  of  his  friend  and  demands  the 
right  to  marry  Belisarda  even  though  it  cause  his  death. 
Olimpo  and  Salicio  make  a  similar  offer  and  it  is  decided  that 
the  lovers  draw  lots  for  the  privilege  of  dying  for  and  marry- 
ing the  popular  shepherdess.  At  this  point  the  goddess  Venus 
herself  appears,  discloses  the  stratagem  practised  by  Cardenio 
and  decrees  the  union  of  Anfriso  and  Belisarda.  Ergasto  ac- 
cedes to  the  divine  command  and  also  ordains  the  marriage  of 
Olimpo  and  Anarda. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  I j^ 

It  is  well  known  that  this  comedia  has  the  same  argument  as 
Lope  de  Vega's  pastoral  romance,  La  Arcadia,  published  in 
1598,  in  which  he  celebrated  the  love  affairs  of  his  patron, 
Don  Antonio,  Duke  of  Alba.  However,  not  all  the  incidents 
of  the  novel  were  included  in  the  play,  the  comic  scenes  in 
which  Cardenio  and  Bato  figure  being  especially  developed 
in  the  latter. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Lope  intended  this  comedia  as  a 
burlesque  of  certain  motives  of  Guarini's  Pastor  Fido.  The 
setting  is  practically  the  same,  the  oracular  pronouncement 
of  Cardenio  is  the  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  the  edict  of  Diana 
in  the  Pastor  Fido  whereby  any  nymph  found  guilty  of  a 
breach  of  faith  should  suffer  death  at  the  altar  unless  some 
one  offered  to  die  in  her  place.  It  should  also  be  noted  that 
Anarda  here  plays  a  similar  role  to  that  of  Corisca  in  Guarini's 
play.  The  narrowly  averted  sacrifice  of  Mirtillo  in  the  Pastor 
Fido  is  recalled  in  Cardenio's  burlesque  account  of  how  he  had 
tried  to  put  to  death  two  kids : 

Apenas  puse  el  cuchillo 
para  degollar  el  uno, 
cuando  estas  palabras  dijo: 
"  No  me  mates,  que  no  soy 
cabrito,  porqiie  soy  hijo 
de  la  pastora  Macania 
y  del  satiro  Cantinios." 
Soltele,  Bato,  y  al  punto 
se  fue  al  campo  dando  gritos. 


BATO. 
Cosa  me  has  dicho 
que  me  ha  de  matar  de  miedo. 
Aunque  me  lo  den  cocido, 
no  he  de  comer  en  mi  vida 
cabrito  ni  corderillo. 
Esta  de  suerte  el  Arcadia 
con  estas  ninfas  y  ninfos, 
satiros,  faunos  y  trasgos, 
cinoprosopios,  esfincos, 
que  no  saben  los  pastores 
cual  es  cabrito  o  cual  nine. 


114 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


In  speaking  of  his  play  in  the  dedication,  Lope  declares: 
"  puesto  que  es  de  pastores  de  la  Arcadia,  no  carece  de  la  imi- 
tacion  antigua,  si  bien  el  uso  de  Espaiio  no  admite  las  rusticas 
Bucolicas  de  Teocrito,  antiguamente  imitadas  del  famoso  poeta 
Lope  de  Rueda."  As  Sefior  Menendez  y  Pelayo  has  noted  in 
his  introduction,  there  is  little  influence  of  classical  pastoral 
poetry  discernible  in  the  play,  aside  from  the  disguise  of  a 
wolf  assumed  by  Bato  in  order  to  win  Flora,  which  is  derived 
from  Daphnis  and  Chloe  of  Longus.  We  may  regard  it  as  a 
free  imitation  of  //  Pastor  Fido,  with  burlesque  scenes  taken 
over  from  earlier  Spanish  plays. 

When  Philip  IV  ascended  the  throne  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
in  1621,  the  drama  secured  an  all-powerful  patron.  Philip  II 
seems  to  have  lent  no  support  to  the  stage  and  although  Philip 
III  had  a  theatre  built  in  the  palace  for  private  representations, 
this  was  probably  due  more  to  the  delight  taken  by  the  Queen 
in  these  performances  than  to  any  interest  of  his  own.  Philip 
IV,  however,  was  passionately  fond  of  plays,  playwrights  and 
actresses  throughout  his  whole  life.^  At  the  age  of  nine,  he 
took  the  part  of  Cupid  in  a  mythological  representation  per- 
formed before  the  King  and  Queen  and  ladies  of  the  court. 
The  year  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  no  less  than  forty- 
five  comedias  were  presented  in  the  Queen's  apartments,  and  a 
little  later,  private  functions  were  given  in  the  royal  gardens 
at  Aranjuez  and  in  the  Alcazar.  After  1632,  court  perform- 
ances were  produced  with  great  splendor  at  the  magnificent 
theatre  of  the  Buen  Retiro  which  had  been  constructed  at  the 
King's  orders,  and  spectacles  were  also  represented  upon  the 
pond  in  the  gardens.  Conditions  somewhat  similar  to  those 
which  prevailed  at  Ferrara  in  the  sixteenth  century  favored  the 
development  of  a  courtly  drama. 

Lope  de  Vega's  pastoral  eclogue  La  Selva  sin  amor  was 
presented  before  Philip  IV  and  the  royal  family  sometime  prior 

*  i*"or  further  details,  see  H.  A.  Rennert,  The  Spanish  Stage  in  the 
Time  of  Lope  de  Veya,  New  York,  igog,  Chapter  XI. 


PASTORAL  PLA YS  j  I  c 

to  November  22,  1629.^  The  poet  says  in  his  dedication  to 
the  Almirante  de  Castilla  that  ''  esta  egloga  se  represento  can- 
tada  a  SS.  MM.  y  AA.,  cosa  nueva  en  Espana,"  and  that  "  la 
maquina  del  teatro  hizo  Cosmo  Lotti,  ingeniero  florentin,  por 
quien  S.  ]\I.  envio  a  Italia  para  que  asistiese  a  su  servicio  en 
jardines,  fuentes  y  otras  cosas,  en  que  tiene  raro  y  excelente 
ingenio."  On  the  basis  of  this  statement,  Francisco  Barbieri  ^ 
and  Menendez  y  Pelayo  declared  that  La  Selva  sin  amor  is  an 
opera  libretto  which  anticipates  by  many  years  the  first  oper- 
atic performances  in  England  and  France.  Menendez  y 
Pelayo  further  stated  that  since  Lope  himself  calls  it  a  "  new 
thing  in  Spain,"  we  may  believe  that  it  was  an  imitation  of 
Italian  opera  as  conceived  and  executed  in  the  closing  years 
of  the  sixteenth  century  at  Florence  by  Jacopo  Peri,  Julio 
Caccini  and  Ottavio  Rinuccini,  and  that  the  score  was  written 
by  some  Italian  composer. 

A  fortunate  discovery  by  Seiior  Felipe  Pedrell  of  a  fragment 
of  the  score  of  Calderon's  play.  El  Jardin  de  Falerina,  and  of 
other  music  of  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  has  en- 
abled him  to  rectify  these  conclusions.^  According  to  Senor 
Pedrell,  when  Lope  calls  his  play  "  a  new  thing  in  Spain," 
he  refers  merely  to  the  scenic  effects  and  theatrical  devices 
constructed  by  Cosme  Lotti,  and  which  he  describes  in  detail 
in  his  dedication.  He  shows  that  the  fragment  of  the  score 
of  £/  Jardin  de  Falerina,  produced  the  same  year  as  La  Selva 
sin  amor,  betrays   no   influence  of  the   new   form  of  music 

'  First  published  in  the  Laurel  de  Apolo,  con  otras  rimas,  Madrid, 
1630.  It  has  been  reprinted  with  an  introduction  by  Menendez  y  Pe- 
layo in  Vol.  V  of  the  Spanish  Academy's  edition  of  the  works  of  Lope 
de  Vega. 

-  In  the  prologue  to  Carmena  y  Milan's  Croiiica  de  la  Opera  italiana 
en  Madrid  desde  el  ana  173S  hasia  nuestros  dias,  Madrid,  1878.  The 
statements  of  Barbieri  were  quoted  and  amplified  in  Menendez  y  Pe- 
layo's  introduction  to  La  Seiva  sin  amor,  in  Vol.  V  of  the  Spanish 
Academy's  edition  of  Lope  de  Vega. 

'  See  Felipe  Pedrell,  Teatro  lirico  espafwl  anterior  al  siglo  XIX.  in 
five  parts,  published  at  La  Corufia,  1897-98. 


Il6  THE  SPAXISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

dominant  in  Italy  and  proves  by  internal  evidence  that  only 
five  portions  could  have  been  sung,  namely,  el  Coro  de  los  tres 
Amores,  el  Coro  de  Fills  y  Flora,  el  Coro  de  todos  at  the  end 
of  the  eclogue,  the  four  strophes  between  Silvio  and  Filis  and 
the  four  between  Jacinto  and  Silvio,  which  were  sung  in 
alternate  verses.  The  basis  of  the  choral  music  was  the  poly- 
phonic madrigal,  and  the  strophic  portions  aimed  at  producing 
pure  melody  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  polyphonia.  The 
rest  of  the  eclogue  must  have  been  recited,  since  the  resources 
of  the  musicia;is  of  that  time  were  not  sufficiently  developed 
to  give  "  WW  andamento  vivo  abbastansa  "  so  that  these  long 
dialogues  could  be  sung  in  the  recitative  style.  While  Sefior 
Pedrell  deprives  Spain  of  whatever  honor  there  may  be  in 
having  received  Italian  opera  earlier  than  England  and  France, 
he  shows  that  Spanish  music  throughout  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury was  a  native  product.  The  combination  of  song  and 
recitation,  first  found  in  the  Spanish  drama  in  the  plays  of 
Juan  del  Enzina,  was  to  receive  the  name  of  zarzuela  in  the 
time  of  Calderon.^ 

In  the  prologue,  Venus  appears  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  swans. 
She  perceives  Cupid  who  tells  her  that  he  is  amusing  himself 
by  changing  the  water  into  fire  and  throwing  the  gods  of  the 
waves  into  confusion  with  his  deadly  arrows.  She  reproves 
him  for  playing  like  a  child,  reminding  him  that  he  is  as  old  as 
Time  himself,  and  that  one  who  has  conquered  Mars  and  the 
mighty  Jupiter  should  not  waste  his  time  with  Nereids  and 
Tritons.  He  inquires  what  greater  deeds  await  him  and  Venus 
replies  that  in  the  court  of  Spain  where  Philip  and  the  divine 
Isabel  reign  in  peace,  there  is  a  loveless  forest  dedicated  to 
Daphne  where  beauty  reigns  and  where  the  laws  of  Love  are 
not  observed.  Cupid  at  once  offers  to  leave  for  Spain  and 
assures  her  of  his  certain  victory : 

'  On  the  origin  of  the  lyrical  drama  in  Italy,  see  A.  Solerti,  Gli  Albori 
del  Melodramma,  vol.  i,  1904. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  JI7 

Ya  parece  que  veo 

las  aves  suspirar,  arder  las  flores, 

las  fuentes  dilatarse  en  plata  viva, 

y  quejarse  la  cierva  fugitiva. 

Asi,  selva  traidora, 

asi,  que  sois  agora 

el  reino  de  la  nieve ! 

Manzanares  se  atreve 

a  no  pagar  tribute  al  poder  mio? 

The  scene  changes  to  a  forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Manzan- 
ares in  full  view  of  the  Casa  de  Campo  and  Royal  Palace. 
The  maid  Filis  appears,  extolling  the  life  of  freedom  and  Silvio, 
a  shepherd  who  mourns  the  pangs  of  unrequited  love.  He  ac- 
costs the  shepherdess,  asking  the  reason  of  her  coldness  and 
offers  her  as  gifts  some  birds  which  he  himself  has  caught. 
She  refuses  to  listen  to  his  plea  and  taking  the  cage  in  her 
hands,  opens  the  door  to  signify  that  she  means  to  be  free  as 
they.  Silvio  accuses  her  of  being  pitiful  to  all  things  except 
to  him,  and  reminds  her  that  her  beauty  will  fade  with  years.^ 
Filis  replies  that  Love  is  mad  and  blind  and  that  she  wishes  to 
know  nothing  of  it.  As  she  retires,  he  inveighs  against  her 
cruelty  and  declares  that  he  cannot  survive  his  sorrow. 

His  friend  Jacinto  hears  the  laments  of  the  lovelorn  Silvio 
and  asks  him  the  cause  of  his  grief.  Silvio  replies  that  he  has 
been  driven  to  the  point  of  desiring  to  end  his  life  by  the  dis- 

^  Compare  Dafne's  advice  to  Silvia  in  Tasso's  Aminta,  Act  I,  11.  170- 
181: 

Tu  prendi  a  gabbo  i  miei  fidi  consigli, 
E  burli  mie  ragioni,  0  in  amore 
iSorda  non  men  che  sciocca!     Ma  va  pure, 
Che  verra  tempo  che  ti  pentirai 
Non  averli  seguiti.     E  gia  non  dico 
Allor  che  fuggirai  le  fonti,  ov'ora 
Spesso  ti  specchi  e  forse  ti  vagheggi, 
Allor  che  fuggirai  le  fonti,  solo 
Per  tema  di  vederti  crespa  e  brutta  : 
Questo  avverratti  ben  ;  ma  non  t'annunzio 
Gia  questo  solo,  che,  ben  ch'e  gran  male, 
E  pero  mal  comune. 


Il8  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

dain  of  Filis  and  tells  how  he  had  first  seen  her  seated  beside 
a  spring: 

En  esta  fuente  fria 

a  Filis  vi  sentada, 

el  cabello  esparcido 

al  viento  y  al  olvido, 

de  sus  mismas  acciones  olvidada, 

pareciendo  sirena, 

coil  lineas  de  oro  Candida  azucena. 

Quede  sin  vida  en  viendo 
sji  hermosura,  Jacinto ; 

y  ella,  en  viendome  a  mi,  las  bellas  plantas 
dio  tan  ligera  huyendo 
al  verde  laberinto, 
que  venciera  Camilas  y  Atalantas,  etc' 

He  says  that  he  had  asked  certain  shepherds  about  her  and  they 
had  replied  that  the  nymphs  who  dwell  on  the  shores  of  the 
Manzanares  refuse  to  listen  to  the  call  of  Love.  Jacinto  sym- 
pathizes with  him,  since  Flora  shows  a  similar  disdain  for  his 
suit.  Silvio  asks  how  he  is  able  to  live  without  the  love  of 
Flora  and  Jacinto  replies,  following  the  advice  given  by  Ovid 
in  his  Remedia  amoris:^ 

Huyo  la  ociosidad,  que  en  casos  tales 

con  ella  son  mayores ; 

pongo  a  las  aves  lazos,  siembro  flores 

o  persigo  los  ciervos  fugitives ; 

planto  vides  y  olivos, 

o  saco  de  los  corchos  otras  veces 

los  panales  natives, 

o  pongo  cebo  dulce  a  simples  peces. 

Silvio  and  Jacinto  retire  and  Cupid,  accompanied  by  three 
amoretti,  appears.  He  gracefully  sings  in  praise  of  the  King 
and  Queen  and  of  Maria,  Queen  of  Hungary,  and  Fernando, 
and  then  prepares  to  chastise  the  nymphs  of  the  Loveless 
Forest  for  their  indifference  to  his  commands.     Filis  and  Flora 

1  Compare  Tasso's  Aminta,  Act  II,  Scene  II,  11.  34  ff. 

2  11.  199-210. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  I  lo 

appear  who  defy  the  Httle  god  and  declare  war  upon  him  and 
boastfully  describe  the  cruel  fashion  in  which  they  have  re- 
pulsed the  advances  of  their  lovers.  Cupid  lets  fly  his  arrows 
and  the  maidens  at  once  are  conscious  of  the  gentle  passion 
by  which  they  are  tormented : 

Filis.     Repara,  Flora,  y  niira 

que  aquella  blanca  tortola  suspira; 

no  ves  aquella  cierva 

llamar  el  gamo,  y  el  pacer  la  yerba 

ocioso  y  descuidado  ? 

El  arroyuelo  deste  ameno  prado 

sale  a  besar  las  flores, 

con  lengua  de  cristal  las  dice  amores : 

Que  novedad  es  esta?  ^ 

Flora.     Ay  Filis !     For  que  causa 
alma  quejosa  apresta 
al  aire  filomena  en  voz  suave, 
ya  trina,  ya  se  queda  en  dulce  pausa  ?  '■* 

Filis.     Advierte  que  no  hay  ave 

que  no  cante  de  amor ;  todo  suspira. 
Mira  estas  vidas,  mira 
como  con  verdes  rubricas  se  enlazan 
a  estos  olmos  que  abrazan.^ 

'  Compare  Dafne's  attempt  to  persuade  Silvia  to  heed  the  call  of  Love 
in  the  Aminta,  Act  I : 

Stimi  dunque  nimico 

II  tortore  a  la  fida  tortorella? 

^  Compare  Aminta,  Act  I,  11.  137-42. 
Mira  la  quel  Colombo 
con  che  dolce  susurro  lusingando 
bacia  la  sua  compagna  ; 
odi  quel  lusignuolo 
che  va  di  ramo  in  ramo 
cantando :  lo  anio,  io  amo. 

*  Compare  Aminta,  Act  I,  11.  151-53: 

Veder  puoi  con  quanto  affetto 
e  con  quanti  iterati  abbracciamenti 
la  vite  s'avviticchia  a'l  suo  marito. 


I20  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

When  the  maidens  feel  the  divine  fire  in  their  veins,  they 
express  the  desire  to  see  their  lovers,  but  Jacinto  and  Silvio 
have  been  smitten  by  the  god's  leaden  arrow  and  rudely  re- 
pulse the  overtures  of  Filis  and  Flora,  a  transformation  taking 
place  similar  to  that  found  in  the  Comedia  llamada  discordia 
y  question  de  Amor,  attributed  to  Lope  de  Rueda.  Cupid  is 
delighted  that  the  vengeance  of  his  mother  is  complete  and 
declares  that  la  selva  sin  amor  will  be  called  henceforth  sclva 
de  amores.  The  Manzanares  then  protests  that  its  waves  have 
been  changed  into  fire  by  the  god  and  threatens  violence, 
whereupon  Cu^id  calls  upon  Venus  for  aid.  The  latter  ap- 
pears at  his  summons  to  punish  the  Manzanares  for  its  pre- 
sumption : 

Esta  flecha  te  envio, 
que  tu  corriente  seque  en  el  verano, 
tanto,  que  por  tu  margen,  siempre  amena, 
seas  cadaver  de  abrasada  arena ; 
vera  tu  centre  el  sol. 

The  Manzanares  pleads  in  vain  for  pity  and  then  asks  upon 
whom  its  afifection  must  be  fixed.     Cupid  replies : 

Yo  hare  que  bajen  a  bafiarse  damas, 
que  por  Julio  le  abrasen  en  sus  llamas. 

Before  departing  with  Venus,  he  strikes  the  shepherds  with 
his  golden  shaft  so  that  Jacinto,  Flora,  Silvio  and  Filis  are 
united. 

The  plot  and  treatment  seem  to  have  been  original  with 
Lope  de  Vega  although  certain  passages  oflfer  striking  ana- 
logies with  Tasso's  Aminta  which  had  been  translated  into 
Castilian  by  Juan  de  Jauregui  in  1607,  but  which  Lope  might 
easily  have  read  in  the  original.  Unfortunately  the  score  of 
this  production  is  not  extant,  but  we  may  agree  with  Senor 
Menendez  y  Pelayo  that  perhaps  the  sweetest  music  heard  at 
the  entertainment  were  the  charming  verses  of  the  author. 
Composed  toward  the  end  of  Lope's  career.  La  selva  sin  amor 
contains  passages  which  show  his  great  poetical  gifts  at  their 
very  best. 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  I2i 

The  only  pastoral  play  which  bears  the  name  of  Calderon 
de  la  Barca  is  El  Pastor  Fido,^  and  of  this  he  wrote  only  the 
third  Jornada,  the  other  two  acts  being  composed  by  Antonio 
Solis  and  Antonio  Coello.  In  its  general  outline,  it  is  an 
abridged  adaptation  of  Guarini's  Pastor  Fido.'^  As  in  its 
Italian  prototype,  the  play  turns  on  the  edict  of  Diana  that  any 
nymph  found  guilty  of  infidelity  must  suffer  death  unless  some 
one  offer  to  die  in  her  place  and  also  the  custom  whereby  a 
young  girl  is  sacrificed  annually  to  the  goddess  to  expiate  an 
old  offense.     In  both  plays,  the  oracle  declares : 

No  tendra  fin  el  dano  que  os  ofende 
hasta  que  junte  amor  dos  semideos, 
y  de  una  infiel  mujer  los  devaneos 
la  alta  piedad  de  un  pastor  fido  enmiende.^ 

Silvio  and  Amarili  alone  in  Arcadia  fulfil  these  conditions, 
and  when  the  play  opens,  their  marriage  is  imminent.  The 
devotion  of  Silvio  to  the  chase  causing  him  to  scorn  Amarili, 
the  despair  of  Mirtilo  at  Amarili's  coldness,  the  trick  by  which 
Mirtilo  and  Amarili  are  found  together  in  the  recesses  of  a 
cave,  the  death-sentence  passed  upon  Amarili  for  infidelity  to 
Silvio,  the  offer  of  Mirtilo  to  take  her  place  at  the  altar,  the 

'  The  date  of  composition  of  this  play  is  not  known.  It  was  pub- 
lished for  the  second  time  in  1656.  I  have  used  the  edition  contained 
in  Vol.  XIV  of  the  Biblioteca  de  Autores  espaiioles. 

*  A  Spanish  translation  of  //  Pastor  Fido  by  Cristobal  Suarez  ap- 
peared at  Naples  in  1602  and  another  version  by  Cristobal  Suarez  de 
Figueroa  at  Valencia  in  1609.  On  the  connection  between  these  two 
versions,  see  J.  P.  W.  Crawford,  The  Life  and  Works  of  Cristobal 
Suarez  de  Figueroa,  Philadelphia,  1907,  pp.  22-29,  and  the  Spanish  trans- 
lation of  the  same  by  Narciso  Alonso  Cortes,  Vida  y  Obras  de  Cris- 
tobal Suarez  de  Figueroa,  Valladolid,  191 1,  p.  26. 

'  El  Pastor  Fido,  Act  I.  Compare  the  same  passage  in  //  Pastor 
Fido : 

Non  avra  prima  fin  quel  che  v'offende, 
che  duo  semi  del  ciel  congiunga  amore : 
e  di  donna  infedel  I'antico  errore 
I'alta  pieta  d'un  pastor  fido  ammende. 


122  THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 

discovery  that  he  is  the  son  of  Nicandro  and  that  the  conditions 
of  the  oracle  will  be  fulfilled  by  the  marriage  of  Mirtilo  and 
Amarili,  are  faithfully  reproduced  from  Guarini's  play,  al- 
though there  are  few  examples  of  verbal  similarity.  Corisca's 
part  in  bringing  Mirtilo  and  Amarili  together  in  the  cave  be- 
cause of  her  own  love  for  Silvio  is  played  in  the  Spanish 
version  by  Dorinda.  In  the  Spanish  play,  Corisca  is  quite  in- 
nocuous and  serves  merely  as  a  foil  for  the  Sdtiro.  The  latter 
is  almost  the  conventional  bobo  and  furnishes  most  of  the 
comic  element.  He  ridicules  the  love-madness  of  Mirtilo  and 
rejects  the  advances  of  Corisca,  saying: 

Que  no  hay  humana  ley  que  haya  dispuesto 
que  el  satiro  sea  siempre  deshoneslo. 


Porque  soy  muy  devoto  de  Diana, 
y  tengo  mucha  gana 
de  juntar  de  mi  dote  algunos  reales 
para  entrarme  en  las  virgenes  bestiales. 

He  shows  his  disrespect  for  holy  things  by  taking  his  place 
behind  the  altar,  and  on  receipt  of  various  presents,  advising 
the  shepherds  and  shepherdesses  who  come  to  consult  the 
goddess,  a  scene  probably  derived  from  Lope  de  Vega's  La 
Arcadia. 

The  Spanish  adaptation  of  //  Pastor  Fido  by  the  three 
ingenios  can  not  be  regarded  as  successful.  Its  lack  of  unity 
is  perhaps  due  to  the  collaboration  and  it  contains  little  real 
poetry.  The  artificial  conceits  of  the  period  are  too  prominent 
and  only  in  the  last  scene  do  we  find  any  dramatic  power.  The 
play  is  chiefly  interesting  as  an  isolated  attempt  to  present 
Guarini's  story  on  the  Spanish  stage,  and  shows  once  more  the 
connection  between  Spanish  and  Italian  pastoral  drama  which 
we  find  first  in  Enzina's  Egloga  de  tres  pastores. 

The  mythological  pieces  of  Calderon,  such  as  El  Golfo  de 
las  Sirenas,  El  Laurel  de  Apolo,  La  Purpura  de  la  Rosa,  Celos 
aun  del  aire  matan  and  Eco  y  Narciso,  fall  outside  the  limits 
of  the  present  study  and  are  only  of  interest  here  in  showing 


PASTORAL  PLAYS  I 23 

how  the  author  combined  the  atmosphere  and  machinery  of 
//  Pastor  Fido  with  material  derived  from  Ovid's  Metamor- 
phoses. It  is  true  that  mythological  figures  appear  in  the  plays 
of  Juan  del  Enzina  and  others,  but  the  old  pastoral  tradition 
came  to  an  end  when  classical  stories  were  made  the  basis 
of  the  action.  In  many  respects  these  works  are  the  least 
interesting  of  Calderon's  compositions.  It  was  inevitable  that 
dramatic  interest  should  suffer  in  these  courtly  productions 
which  aimed  chiefly  to  delight  the  eye  with  gorgeous  scenic 
effects.  These  plays  may  not  be  regarded  as  opera  librettos. 
They  represent  the  same  combination  of  recitation  and  song 
which  we  have  found  in  Lope  de  Vega's  La  Selva  sin  Amor 
and  which  after  1629  received  the  name  sarsuela.  In  a  num- 
ber of  passages,  as  for  example  in  the  Loa  to  El  Laurel  de 
Apolo,  performed  in  1657,  Calderon  speaks  of  the  zarsuela 
as  a  new  fonn  of  entertainment  borrowed  from  Italy : 

No  es  comedia,  sino  solo 
una  fabula  pequena 
en  que,  a  imitacion  de  Italia, 
se  canta  y  se  representa. 

Although  it  may  be  admitted  that  the  importance  attached  to 
song  was  derived  from  Italy,  Sefior  Pedrell  ^  has  shown  that 
the  music  itself  and  the  combination  of  recitation  and  song 
were  essentially  Spanish  products.  The  further  development 
of  the  zarzuela  must  be  sought  in  the  history  of  the  lyrical 
drama. 

It  is  true  that  no  pastoral  play  in  Spain  can  stand  com- 
parison with  the  Aminta,  II  Pastor  Fido  or  The  Faithful 
Shepherdess,  nor  did  they  exercise  any  considerable  influence 
upon  the  creation  of  the  Spanish  national  drama.  These  en- 
tertainments of  royal  courts  and  aristocratic  companies  are 
far  removed  from  the  heroic  comedias  and  comedias  de  capa 
y  espada  to  which  the  dramatic  literature  of  Spain  owes  its 
fame.     Except  for  occasional  burlesque  scenes,  their  whole 

'  Teatro  lirico  espanol.  Vol.  III-V. 


124 


THE  SPANISH  PASTORAL  DRAMA 


Spirit  is  artificial.  The  poets  themselves  had  too  keen  a  sense 
of  humor  and  appreciation  for  reality  to  treat  seriously  these 
conventional  love  afifairs  of  sighing  shepherds  and  shepherd- 
esses. Even  Enzina  could  not  write  of  the  unhappy  love  of 
Fileno  without  introducing  the  comic  scene  of  Zambardo  fall- 
ing asleep  over  the  lover's  account  of  his  hopeless  passion,  and 
Don  Bela  doubtless  expressed  Lope  de  Vega's  own  feelings 
when  he  says  in  La  Dorotea:^  "  Esto  de  pastores,  todo  es 
arroyuelos  y  margenes,  y  siempre  cantan  ellos  o  sus  pastoras : 
deseo  ver  un  dia  un  pastor  que  este  assentado  en  banco,  y  no 
siempre  en  una  pena,  o  junto  a  una  fuente."  No  pastoral  poet 
in  Spain  understood,  like  Gil  Vicente,  the  charm  of  untaught 
simplicity.  We  may  claim  for  the  pastoral  drama,  however, 
the  distinction  of  having  produced  many  of  the  earliest  Spanish 
plays,  of  having  contributed  to  the  creation  of  the  farce,  and  of 
inaugurating  the  Spanish  lyrical  drama.  It  is  hoped  that  this 
study  will  not  only  cast  new  light  on  early  Spanish  dramatic 
literature,  but  will  also  furnish  additional  material  for  the  his- 
tory of  the  Renaissance  in  Spain. 

^  La  Dorotea  de  Fray  Lope  de  Vega,  Biblioteca  Renacimiento,  Mad- 
rid, 1913,  p.  95. 


INDEX 


Adam  de  la  Halle,  26 
Alberti  (Leon  Battista),  30 
Alcamo  (Cielo  d'),  26 
Alvarez  de  Ayllon   (Per),  16,  22, 

83-88,  90 
Aquilano   (Serafino),  30 
Ariosto  (Lodovico),  23,  no 
Arsocchi    (Francesco),   30 
Avendano     (Francisco     de),     54, 

80-83 
Auto  de  los  Reyes  Magos,  10 

Benivieni    (Girolamo),    30 
Berceo    (Gonzalo   de),   10 
Bermudez    (Geronimo),    103 
Boccaccio   (Giovanni),  32,  86,  87, 

88,  99-101 
Boiardo    (Matteo    Maria),   30 
Bonilla  y   San   Martin    ( Adolf o), 

82,  83 
Boninsegni    (Fiorino    de'),    30 

Calderon  de  la  Barca  (Pedro), 
50,  115,  116,  121-123 

■Campani,   (Niccolo),  72,  72,  75 

Canete   (Manuel),  31 

Carretto  (Galeotto  del),  30 

Catullus,   71 

Celestina   {La),  33,  46,  49,  92 

Comedia  Fenisa,  97-98 

Congrega  dei   Rozzi,  58,  72,  g6 

Coplas  de  una  don  eel  la  y  un  pas- 
tor, 78-79 

Cota  de  Maguaque  (Rodrigo), 
16-17,  29,  43 


Cotarelo  y  Mori    (Emilio),  31 
Cueva  (Juan  de  la),   103 

Dovizi    da    Bibbiena    (Bernardo), 

33 
Duran   (Diego),  61-63,  78 

Egloga    pastorale    di    Flazna,    23, 

34.  49 

Egloga  pastoril.  59-61 

Egloga  de  Torino,  56-58,  70,  75, 
88,  89,  90,   104 

Enzina  (Juan  del),  14,  16,  17,  18- 
50,  51,  53,  54,  55,  58,  59,  61,  63, 
66,  70,  71,  72,  75,  80,  81,  83,  85, 
86,  91,  92,  104,  116,  122,  123,  124 

Farqa  a  manera  de  tragedia,  90-91 
Farinelli    (Arturo),  86 
Fernandez    (Lucas),    31,    41,    50, 

51-56,  66,  70,  72,  78,  82,  104 
Filostrato   (Bernardo),  33 

GaguU    (Mossen),  48 
Guarini   (Battista),  113,  114,  121- 
123 

Hurtado  de  Toledo  (Luis),  83, 
84,  88-90 

Kohler    (Eugen).  31,  34 

Lasso  de  la  Vega  (Garci),  71 
Lebrixa   (Antonio   de),    18 
125 


126 


INDEX 


Leonardo   de   Argensola    (Luper- 

cio),  103 
Lopez  de  Yangtias  (Fernan),  25  n. 

Machiavelli    (Niccolo),    33 
Madrid    (Francisco   de),   25   n. 
Manrique   (Gomez),   11 
Manrique    (Jorge),   59 
Mendoza   (Inigo  de),   12 
Menendez  y  Pelayo  (Marcelino), 

33,  107,  108,  no,  114,  115,  120 
Merimee   (Henri),  91 
Montemayor    (Jorge  de),  93,  95" 

96,  102 
Moschus,  95 

Negueruela    (Diego    de),   54,   76- 
78,  79 

Ovid,  28,  64,  70,  85-86,  118,  123 

Paris  (Juan  de).  54,  63-66,  82,  85 
Pedraza  (Juan  de),  15  n. 
Pedrell    (Felipe),   115,   116,   123 
Poliziano   (Angelo),  30,  35,  58,72 
Pradilla   (Bachiller  de  la),  25  n. 
Pulci   (Bernardo),  30 

Question  de  Amor,  56 

Rennert  (Hugo  A.),  105,  107 
Ribeiro  (Bernardim),  68,  71 
Rodriguez    del    Padron    (Juan)^ 
48,  87-88 


Rojas     Villandrando     (Agustin;, 

51 
Romero     de     Cepeda     (Joaquin), 

102-103 
Rueda    (Lope  de),  91,  92-94,  96, 

102,   103,   120 

Sa    de    Miranda    (Francisco   de), 

66-71 
Sanchez     de     Badajoz     (Diego). 

15  n.,  33,  72-75 
Sanchez   de  Badajoz    (Garci),   47 
Sannazaro   (Jacopo),  49 
San    Pedro     (Diego)     Fernandez 

de),  32,  33 
Suarez    de   Figueroa    (Cristobal), 

no 

Taccone    ( Baldassare),   33 
Tasso   (Torquato),  49,  107,  120 
Tebaldeo  (Antonio),  30,  31,  34-40 
Theocritus,  70,  92 
Timoneda  (Juan),  91,  92,  98-101 
Torres  Naharro  (Bartolome  de), 
80,  82,  90,  91,  92,  103 

Valdes   (Juan  de),  33 

Vega  (Alonso  de  la),  101-102 

Vega  Carpio   (Lope  de),  92,  103, 

105-120,   122,   124 
Vergil,  18,  23,  24,  29-30,  71 
Vicente    (Gil),    16,    50,   93,   94-95. 

96,  102,  124 


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